There are various modes of teaching, all of which may effect the object; but there are some mistakes which are very common, and deserve notice.

1. The first error I shall notice is, the practice of beginning to teach children when too young. It is a common opinion that the sooner a child is put to his books, the greater the amount of knowledge which he may obtain in a given number of years. My own observations do not confirm this opinion, but the reverse. A child that begins to learn the letters of the alphabet at four years old, will be as far advanced at five as one that begins at three. A child that begins at three, will be two or three years learning to read well; but one that begins at fire, may be taught to read well in six or eight weeks. Experiment has proved the fact.

2. The like mistake is made in putting children to difficult studies at too early an age. A child of five or six years of age is put to the study of geography, arithmetic, or history; his progress is slow; he learns a little and that imperfectly; and thus he spends a winter or two to very little purpose. The same child at nine or ten years of age will learn as much in two months, as he will at five or six years of age in two winters-and understand and retain what he learns much better.

3. Another mistake is in attempting to instruct young people in too many things at once. The most important point perhaps in a system of instructions, as in every kind of business is, to do one thing at a time. Mr. Locke mentions this as a primary rule to be observed in teaching. When the greatest merchant in Holland was asked how he could transact such an immense business, he replied―By doing one thing at a time.

This rule is not observed in our schools. The reverse is the fact, to the great detriment of education. Children are put to several studies the same day; they learn a little of one thing, and then a little of another; they learn nothing perfectly; and a great part of what they do learn is soon forgotten.

Children should first learn perfectly the letters, and their sounds in combination in the more easy syllables; and these should be so famil iar that they can pronounce them correctly at sight without hesitation. When this is accomplished, pupils should proceed to words, monosyl. lables. If the words are what are called household words, as words in daily use, they probably understand their meaning, and if not, the teacher may explain them. This, however, is not very important, in this stage of instruction; as it is the spelling and pronunciation which they are now learning.

In this stage of instruction, are first seen the benefits of classification in elementary books. Words of like formation are to be pronounced alike. Similarity of sounds aids the memory. In this and in the following stage of instruction, the pupils should be taught in classes; and every one in the class should be directed to spell every word in the lesson, and then to pronounce every word. This repetition should be continued till every child can spell and pronounce correctly every word in the lesson without the smallest hesitation. Such repetition will fasten the true spelling and pronunciation upon the mind of every child; and this process occasionally repeated in reviews will accomplish the object.

From monosyllables the pupil will proceed to dissyllables. In this stage, a knowledge of accent is to be added to that of spelling and the pronunciation of letters. The pupil is to be taught what accent is, and pronounce every word in the lesson with its proper accent. The whole class should be taught to repeat, pronounce, and spell every word in the lesson.

In a proper classification of words, those of like termination should be arranged in the same lessons or columns. In many classes of words of like termination, the accent is uniformly on the same syllyble; that is, at the same distance from the termination. Suppose the pupil is to spell words of three syllables ending in ity; as in amity, dignity, lenity; he is to be informed that all words with a similar ending have the accent on the last syllable but two, (the antepenult.) When, by repeating and spelling a lesson of these words, he is made familiar with the pronunciation, he may be put to words of more syllables with the same termination, and the accent on the same syllables, as in ability, deformity, mutability, immutability, infallibility. From practice in these classes, he will learn to accent and pronounce correctly every word in the language, having a like termination.

In like manner, the pupil will learn that all words ending in tion and sion, have the accent on the last syllable but one, (the penult ;) that all words ending in ology and ography, have the accent on the last syllable but two, as in doxology, orthography, &c.

In order to break ill habits in children, and teach them a full enunciation of letters, a distinct articulation of syllables, and the proper accent, classes of pupils should be made to repeat columns of words, first of one formation and then of another.*

This is the business of the first year of learning; it is to learn letters, syllables and words, pronunciation and accent; and these should be so familiar that a child can pronounce every common word, correctly, as soon as it is presented to his eye. When this is accomplished, the child is in a state of improvement, which enables him to enter upon reading understandingly. When he is no longer perplexed with hesi tation about the pronunciation, he proceeds with advantage to the tasks of gaining ideas, and learning definitions. One thing at a time. Words are to be first learned, for they are the instruments of subsequent acquisition. The practice of learning language word by word, without classification, must be a slow method. It is a peculiar advantage in learning English, that great numbers of the words admit of classification-an advantage that does not occur in some other lan

guages.

The common method of putting beginners to read easy, familiar lessons, which they understand, is very judicious. But after they are more advanced, and can read without hesitating, their reading lessons should be of a different character; containing no puerile phrases; no baby language.

And here it may be suggested that many persons question the use. fulness of pictures in elementary books. A teacher in the South rep

The spelling book does more to form the language of a nation than all other books.

robates the practice of using pictures; parents remark that their children contract such a habit of looking at pictures, that they will not read books without them; teachers remark that children employ most of their time in looking at pictures, turning over the leaves and wearing them out, or soiling them. If to some extent pictures are useful, it is very certain, that the practice of filling books with pictures is carried to excess; they increase expense without an equivalent advantage, and it may be questioned whether pictorial books have not done as much harm as good. Gentlemen observe that they have very much promoted superficial learning.

It may be added that many of the pictures in school-books are not representations of the life of real objects; but fictitious representations formed by a painter or the engraver. This fact may not be generally known.

In regard to books for reading in seminaries of learning, it is important that most of these should be selected for important facts and sound principles; not for amusement. Among these, the history and geogra phy of our country should have a prominent place.

In reading for the purpose of learning facts and important truth, children should not be permitted to run over many pages at a lesson. A class of eight or ten pupils should read a paragraph or short section, every pupil of the class repeating the same, till each can read it well, observing the emphasis and pauses. When each can do this, then let the teacher ask each what the section contains; what are the facts stated, and take care that all understand the words used.* Definitions are best learned by explaining words in connection.

The proper mode of impressing facts and truths on the mind of youth, is, by repetition; and by competition in classes, to fix the attention of each pupil upon the subjects presented to them. A careless perusal of several pages of a book does not answer the purpose. By attempting too much at once, the principal design is frustrated.

This is a prominent evil in most of our schools. There is too much hurry, and too heavy burdens are imposed on the tender minds of youth. Hence the imperfect knowledge of the elements of language; children are urged forward to geography, history, arithmetic, &c. before they have learned to spell one half of our common words.

This is a great error. In the method here proposed of learning one thing at a time, and that perfectly, before the pupil proceeds to another thing, he may be made as good a scholar in five or six winters, as in the usual mode he can be made in ten winters.

Most of the foregoing remarks are as applicable to the instruction of youth in Latin, Greek, and other languages, and in the sciences, as they are to instruction in our own language.

A list of questions is often inserted in books for schools, as in History. The expedience of this is questioned, as it encourages negligence and inattention in the teacher.

CHAPTER XVIII.

ORIGIN OF THE HARTFORD CONVENTION IN 1814.

FEW transactions of the federalists, during the early periods of our government, excited so much the angry passions of their opposers, as the Hartford Convention, (so called,) during the presidency of Mr. Madison. As I was present at the first meeting of the gentlemen who suggested such a convention; as I was a member of the House of Representatives in Massachusetts, when the resolve was passed for appointing the delegates, and advocated that resolve; and further, as I have copies of the documents, which no other person may have preserved, it seems to be incumbent on me to present to the public the real facts in regard to the origin of the measure, which have been vilely falsified and misrepresented.

After the war of 1812 had continued two years, our public affairs were reduced to a deplorable condition. The troops of the United States, intended for defending our sea-coast, had been withdrawn to carry on the war in Canada; a British squadron was stationed in the Sound to prevent the escape of a frigate from the harbor of New London, and to intercept our coasting trade; one town in Maine was in possession of the British forces; the banks south of New England had all suspended the payment of specie; our shipping lay in our harbors embargoed, dismantled, and perishing; the treasury of the United States was exhausted to the last cent; and a general gloom was spread over the country.

In this condition of affairs, a number of gentlemen in Northampton in Massachusetts, after consultation, determined to invite some of the principal inhabitants of the three counties on the river, formerly com posing the old county of Hampshire, to meet and consider whether any measures could be taken to arrest the continuance of the war, and provide for the public safety. In pursuance of this determination, a circular letter was addressed to several gentlemen in the three counties, requesting them to meet at Northampton. The following is a copy of the letter.

Northampton, January 5, 1814.

SIR-In consequence of the alarming state of our public affairs, and the doubts which have existed, as to the correct course to be pursued by the friends of peace, it has been thought advisable by a number of gentlemen in the vicinity, who have conversed together upon the subject, that a meeting should be called of some few of the most discreet and intelligent inhabitants of the old county of Hampshire, for the pur pose of a free and dispassionate discussion touching our public concerns. The legislature will soon be in session, and would probably be gratified with a knowledge of the feelings and wishes of the people; and should the gentlemen who may be assembled recommend any

course to be pursued by our fellow citizens, for the more distinct expression of the public sentiment, it is necessary the proposed meeting should be called at an early day.

We have therefore ventured to propose that it should be held at Col. Chapman's in this town, on Wednesday, the nineteenth day of January current, at 12 o'clock in the forenoon, and earnestly request your attendance at the above time and place, for the purpose before stated. With much respect, I am, sir, your obedient servant,

JOSEPH LYMAN.

In compliance with the request in this letter, several gentlemen met at Northampton, on the day appointed, and after a free conversation on the subject of public affairs, agreed to send to the several towns in the three counties on the river, the following circular address.

SIR-The multiplied evils in which the United States have been involved by the measures of the late and present administration, are subjects of general complaint, and in the opinion of our wisest statesmen, call for some effectual remedy. His excellency, the governor of the commonwealth, in his address to the General Court, at the last and present session, has stated, in temperate but clear and decided language, his opinion of the injustice of the present war, and intimated that measures ought to be adopted by the legislature to bring it to a speedy close. He also calls the attention of the legislature to some measures of the general government, which are believed to be unconstitutional. In all the measures of the general government, the people of the United States have a common concern; but there are some laws and regulations which call more particularly for the attention of the northern states, and are deeply interesting to the people of this commonwealth. Feeling this interest, as it respects the present and future generations, a number of gentlemen from various towns in the old county of Hampshire, have met and conferred on the subject, and upon full conviction that the evils we suffer are not wholly of a temporary nature, spring. ing from the war, but some of them of a permanent character, result ing from a perverse construction of the constitution of the United States, we have thought it a duty we owe to our country, to invite the attention of the good people of the counties of Hampshire, Hampden, and Franklin, to the radical causes of these evils.

We know indeed that a negotiation for peace has been recently set on foot, and peace will remove many public evils. It is an event we ardently desire. But when we consider how often the people of the country have been disappointed in their expectations of peace, and of wise measures; and when we consider the terms which our administration has hitherto demanded, some of which it is certain can not be ob tained, and some of which, in the opinion of able statesmen, ought not to be insisted on, we confess our hopes of a speedy peace are not very sanguine.

But still a very serious question occurs, whether, without an amend ment of the federal constitution, the northern and commercial states can enjoy the advantages to which their wealth, strength, and white population justly entitle them. By means of the representation of slaves, the southern states have an influence in our national councils,