with the immense trade of the east, would meet us with their business, and that even Japan might add to its bulk and value. All these inducements have been destroyed. In every single particular they have proved illusory. Science has so perfected the art of cable-making that the cables now in use, and which were laid so successfully during the past year, are almost as efficient as lines on the land. They are worked with little cost. In from four to six hours of each day there is transmitted by one of the Atlantic Telegraph Company's cables all the business the public offer. The cables improve by use. They are picked up in mid-ocean and repaired with almost as much ease as if in some inland quiet lake, so that cables for many years abandoned as lost are found again, unharmed, and put to use. The concessions, also, in eastern China, so confidently expected, are withheld. Thus every material inducement to prosecute the construction of the Russian line appears to be at once and forever swept away. Under such circumstances, what was our duty? Government, for the sake of national pride and governmental uses, might have been justified in pushing the work to completion, even should it cost a large sum annually to sustain it. Russia must, before many years, reach New Archangel, in America, by telegraph, for the simple purposes of her governmental arrangements. But we could not properly employ the capital intrusted to us, except under promise of reasonable return from its investment. The proof that the basis of revenue had been removed, was only needed to be complete to make the duty of at once stopping the whole work a stern, peremptory necessity. That proof we have been month after month receiving. So clear and cumulative has that evidence been, that we have been compelled, though with great reluctance, to acknowledge its completeness and power. All doubts concerning the capacity and efficiency of the ocean cables are now dispelled, and the work of construction on the Russian line, after an expenditure of nearly three millions of dollars, has been discontinued. What now remains to be done? What can this company do, to meet all the possible demands of honor or duty? On this point we desire your friendly co-operation. The following appears to us to be within our power, and we submit it for your considera tion: Although we deeply regret that we are unable to avail ourselves of the generous and valuable concessions granted to us through P. McD. Collins, esquire, by the Russian gov ernment, yet such must be the value of the lines already built by the Russian government towards America, in connection with these arrangements, that we cannot regard that friendly and enterprising government as having suffered or as likely to suffer loss therefrom. from this, we believe that it must soon become necessary to all governments to reach by telegraph their most distant provinces, and this must be peculiarly so to Russia, whose American territory is not only distant but difficult and tedious of approach. So far Could that government be induced to prosecute the work now interrupted, to some available point in her North American possessions, we will extend and maintain our lines thither, and thus all the objects sought by the respective governments for intercourse would be secured. Time and the gradual opening of auxiliary sources of business would develop a revenue which would recompense the parties for the outlay and delay. Beyond this we are unable to see our ability to go, under the circumstances already narrated. These matters are commended to your attention. It has occurred to us that you might, through our minister at the Russian court, so represent these circumstances, so unexpected and embarrassing to us, as to preserve us in the esteem and favor of that intelligent government and lead us to the accomplishment of our mutual designs. By rendering such a service you would place us again under those obligations which your former friendly offices have made so large and manifest, and happily lead to the very results which, in these labors, we have so earnestly and hopefully aimed to secure. Nor would it be a service to this company alone. Your communication of May 14, 1864, to the Committee on Commerce in the Senate of the United States, has placed this enterprise on higher ground, and associated it with broader interests. You have claimed it as one of the means of communication with foreign countries, necessary to national respect, as well as to healthy commerce. You have regarded the use of the telegraph by government, wherever possible, as essential, in order to inspire respect, confidence, and good will toward us, and so securing to all peace. Entering still deeper into the sources of national happiness, your position at the government centre of the nation has enabled you to see that with the planting of the American flag on the Pacific coast it is due to the rising States resting thereon, to afford them all the means of equal civilization enjoyed on the shores of the Atlantic. The outlook of the one is Asia; of the other, Europe. Foreign commerce is as necessary for the one as the other. These have ever proved the harbingers of enlightenment, prosperity, and power. As a purely national measure, we are anxious to adopt, even under our altered círcumstances, every consistent means to give the Pacific coast all the elements of vigor and prosperity which on the Atlantic we enjoy. And when, in expressing your estimate of the value of the telegraph, as affecting our relations with foreign nations, you stated your conviction that no one measure of national policy would more effectually tend to secure the preservation of peace than the construction of this inter-continental telegraph," you expressed the strongest arguments we can employ in asking you again to give the weight of your official position toward accomplishing the work we entered upon with so much enthusiasm, and have interrupted with so much regret. We have the honor to be, with great respect, your obedient servants, THE WESTERN UNION TELEGRAPH COMPANY, By WILLIAM ORTON, Vice-President. O. H. PALMER, Secretary. Hon. WILLIAM H. SEWARD, Secretary of State, Washington, D. C. Mr. Seward to the Western Union Telegraph Company. GENTLEMEN: I have received your communication of the 25th instant, and have not failed to lay the same at once before the President. I am not one of those who have been disappointed by the complete and magnificent suc cess of the international Atlantic telegraph. Nor am I one of those who fear that the United States will enjoy less of its wonderful benefits than any other nation. I regard it as tributary to an expansion of our national commerce, and ultimately of our political institutions, both of which I think are important forces in the progress of civilization. I would not have the Atlantic cable become dumb again if thereby I could immediately secure the success of the inter-continental Pacific telegraph enterprise which was committed to your hands. Nevertheless, I confess to a profound disappointment in the suspension of the latter enterprise. I admit that the reasons which you have assigned for that suspension seem to be irresistible. It is impossible for private individuals or corporate companies to build telegraphs without capital and it is equally impossible for individuals or corporations to procure capital for telegraphs that do not promise immediate or at least speedy revenues. On the other hand, I abate no jot of my former estimates of the importance of the intercontinental Pacific telegraph. I do not believe that the United States and Russia have given their faith to each other and to the world for the prosecution of that great enterprise in vain. The United States government is enlightened and wise. The Emperor of Russia is liberal as well as sagacious. Prince Gortchacow is a pleasant as well as frank correspondent. I will with pleasure make your explanations known to him, and with the President's leave I will ask a conference upon the question, "What shall be done next?" Accept my thanks for the frankness and cordiality of your communication. I am, gentlemen, your obedient servant, SIR: I transmit for your information a copy of a treaty stipulating for the cession of Russian America to the United States, which instrument was signed here on the 30th ultimo by Mr. Stoeckl and myself, and has been laid before the Senate by the President. I am, sir, your obedient servant, CASSIUS M. CLAY, Esq., &c, &c, &c. WILLIAM H. SEWARD. TREATY. The United States of America and his Majesty the Emperor of all the Russias, being desirous of strengthening, if possible, the good understanding which exists between them, have, for that purpose, appointed as their plenipotentiaries: the President of the United States, William II. Seward, Secretary of State; and his Majesty the Emperor of all the Russias, the privy counsellor Edward de Stoeckl, his envoy extraordinary and minister plenipotentiary to the United States. And the said plenipotentiaries, having exchanged their full powers, which were found to be in due form, have agreed upon and signed the following articles: ARTICLE I. His Majesty the Emperor of all the Russias agrees to cede to the United States, by this convention, immediately upon the exchange of the ratifications thereof, all the territory and dominion now possessed by his said Majesty on the continent of America and in the adjacent islands, the same being contained within the geographical limits herein set forth, to wit: the eastern limit is the line of demarcation between the Russian and the British possessions in North America, as established by the convention between Russia and Great Britain, of February 28-16, 1825, and described in Articles III and IV of said convention, in the following terms: Commencing from the southernmost point of the island called Prince of Wales island, which point lies in the parallel of 54 degrees 40 minutes north latitude, and between the 131st and the 133d degree of west longitude, (meridian of Greenwich,) the said line shall ascend to the north along the channel called Portland channel, as far as the point of the continent where it strikes the 56th degree of north latitude; from this last-mentioned point, the line of demarcation shall follow the summit of the mountains situated parallel to the coast as far as the point of intersection of the 141st degree of west longitude, (of the same meridian; and finally, from the said point of intersection, the said meridian line of the 141st degree, in its prolongation as far as the Frozen ocean. "IV. With reference to the line of demarcation laid down in the preceding article, it is understood "Ist. That the island called Prince of Wales island shall belong wholly to Russia," (now, by this cession, to the United States.) "2d. That whenever the summit of the mountains which extend in a direction parallel to the coast from the 56th degree of north latitude to the point of intersection of the 141st degree of west longitude shall prove to be at the distance of more than ten marine leagues from the ocean, the limit between the British possessions and the line of coast which is to belong to Russia as above mentioned (that is to say, the limit to the possessions ceded by this convention) shall be formed by a line parallel to the winding of the coast, and which shall never exceed the distance of ten marine leagues therefrom." The western limit within which the territories and dominion conveyed are contained, passes through a point in Behring's straits on the parallel of 65 degrees 30 minutes north latitude, at its intersection by the meridian which passes midway between the islands of Krusenstern, or Ignalook, and the island of Ratmanoff, or Noonarbook, and proceeds due north, without limitation, into the same Frozen ocean. The same western limit, beginning at the same initial point,'proceeds thence in a course nearly southwest, through Behring's straits and Behring's sea, so as to pass midway between the northwest point of the island of St. Lawrence and the southeast point of Cape Choukotski, to the meridian of 172 west longitude; thence, from the intersection of that meridian, in a southwesterly direction, so as to pass midway between the island of Attou and the Copper island of the Kormandorski couplet or group in the North Pacific ocean, to the meridian of 193 degrees west longitude, so as to include in the territory conveyed the whole of the Alentian islands east of that meridian. ART. II. In the cession of territory and dominion made by the preceding article are included the right of property in all public lots and squares, vacant lands, and all public buildings, fortifications, barracks, and other edifices which are not private individual property. It is, however, understood and agreed that the churches which have been built in the ceded territory by the Russian governinent shall remain the property of such members of the Greek Oriental church resident in the territory as may choose to worship therein. Any govern ment archives, papers, and documents relative to the territory and dominion aforesaid, which may be now existing there, will be left in the possession of the agent of the United States; but an authenticated copy of such of them as may be required, will be, at all times, given by the United States to the Russian government, or to such Russian officers or subjects as they may apply for. ART. III. The inhabitants of the ceded territory, according to their choice, reserving their natural allegiance, may return to Russia within three years; but if they should prefer to remain in the ceded territory, they, with the exception of uncivilized native tribes, shall be admitted to the enjoyment of all the rights, advantages, and immunities of citizens of the United States, and shall be maintained and protected in the free enjoyment of their liberty, property, and religion. The uncivilized tribes will be subject to such laws and regulations as the United States may, from time to time, adopt in regard to aboriginal tribes of that country. ART. IV. His Majesty the Emperor of all the Russias shall appoint, with convenient despatch, an agent or agents for the purpose of formally delivering to a similar agent or agents appointed on behalf of the United States, the territory, dominion, property, dependencies and appurte nances which are ceded as above, and for doing any other act which may be necessary in regard thereto. But the cession, with the right of immediate possession, is nevertheless to be deemed complete and absolute on the exchange of ratifications, without waiting for such formal delivery. ART. V. Immediately after the exchange of the ratifications of this convention, any forti. fications or military posts which may be in the ceded territory shall be delivered to the agent of the United States, and any Russian troops which may be in the territory shall be withdrawn as soon as may be reasonably and conveniently practicable. ART. VI. In consideration of the cession aforesaid, the United States agree to pay at the treasury in Washington, within ten months after the exchange of the ratifications of this convention, to the diplomatic representative or other agent of his Majesty the Emperor of all the Russias, duly authorized to receive the same, seven million two hundred thousand dollars in gold. The cession of territory and dominion herein made is hereby declared to be free and unincumbered by any reservations, privileges, franchises, grants, or possessions, by any associated companies, whether corporate or incorporate, Russian or any other, or by any par ties, except merely private individual property-holders; and the cession hereby made conveys all the rights, franchises, and privileges now belonging to Russia in the said territory or dominion, and appurtenances thereto. ART. VII. When this convention shall have been duly ratified by the President of the United States, by and with the advice and consent of the Senate, on the one part, and on the other by his Majesty the Emperor of all the Russias, the ratifications shall be exchanged a Washington within three months from the date hereof, or sooner, if possible. In faith whereof, the respective plenipotentiaries have signed this convention, and thereto affixed the seals of their arms. Done at Washington, the 30th day of March, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and sixty-seven. [L. S.] [L. S.] WILLIAM H. SEWARD. Mr. Clay to Mr. Seward. No. 140.] LEGATION OF the United States, St. Petersburg, Russia, May 10, 1867. SIR: Your despatch No. 241, April 1st, 1867, enclosing me the treaty between Russia and America, ceding us all Russian America, was duly received. I awaited the expression of European and Russian sentiment in reference thereto before answering you. I congratulate you upon this brilliant achievement, which adds so vast a territory to our Union, whose ports, whose mines, whose timber, whose furs, whose fisheries are of untold value, and whose fields will produce many grains, even wheat, and become hereafter in time the seat of hardy white population. I regard it as worth at least $50,000,000, and hereafter the wonder will be that we ever got it at all. My attention was first called to this matter in 1863, when I came over the Atlantic, with the Hon. R. J. Walker, upon whom I impressed the importance of our ownership of the western coast of the Pacific in connection with the vast trade which was springing up with China and Japan and the western islands. He told me that the Emperor Nicholas was willing to give us Russian America if we would close up our coast possessions to 54° 40'. But the slave interest, fearing this new accession of "free soil," yielded the point, and let England into the great ocean. Since then, in connection with the necessity of our owning one end of a European telegraph line, quite independent of England, I have talked with and I have urged the Russian authorities in a private way to put the privileges of the Hudson's Bay Company, to sublet them by the Russian American Company, in our hands with a view of having the natives friendly to us, and one telegraph line, &c., in case of war. And I trust I have aided indirectly in this final cession, which by your address and secrecy took me with a most agreeable surprise. There is here beginning to be a party of " ins" and "outs,” as in America and England; and they ("the out") have attempted to make interest against the administration by attacking the treaty. The Russians are very jealous of foreigners, and traditionally opposed to ceding territory; yet in consequence of the good feeling everywhere prevailing in our favor, I regard the role as popular. I have heard it said, "Well, we have sold to you too cheaply, but 'tis all in the family;" and others look upon it with favor, because we are to be near their eastern possessions, and us they regard as perpetual friends; in hopes that it may ultimately lead to the expulsion from the great Pacific nations whose power in the east is justly feared. It went very hard with the English, and also with the French; and if you had given time and publicity to your movements I have no doubt you would have had most energetic protests, if not positive armed intervention to prevent it. For in my opinion the present "entente cordiale" between England and France began in a common understanding to limit our power on the American continent and elsewhere. But the strange and unexpected good alliance between Russia and America has taken them by surprise, and disables all their projects. The truth is, England and France are no match now for the United States and Russia, and the weight of power with the coming years will be still more on our side. I have done all I could here to bring about this most desirable result, which has already saved both of us from war. And so strong is the feeling of mutual interest that no administration here would lightly set it at defiance; for the enthusiasm of the Russian people at the reception of Mr. Fox astonished the government more than it did me, who was really more conversant with public opinion than they. Mr. Bodisco has come with the treaty. Believe me truly, my dear sir, your obedient servant, Hon. WILLIAM H. SEWARD, Secretary of State, Washington, D: C. C. M. CLAY. Mr. Clay to Mr. Seward. No. 143.] LEGATION OF THE UNITED STATES, St. Petersburg, Russia, May 24, 1867. SIR: Some years ago the Emperor told me he would send some of the imperial family to visit our country. When you desired me to invite the Grand Duke Constantine, mention was again made of such visit. A few days ago, when his imperial highness the Grand Duke Vladimir reached his majority and took the oath of allegiance to the Emperor, he told me that his brother, the Grand Duke Alexis, who belongs to the navy department, would visit the United States this year, but the time had not been named. Would it not be well then for the President to give him a special invitation to visit him at Washington, and the United States generally? Lodgings could be taken at the hotel for the grand duke; and elsewhere of course all the expenses would be paid by our people, and no doubt Congress would make the necessary appropriations to defray all the expenses of the grand duke and suite. In case of the visit, which may now be said to be almost certain, I would suggest that a very select committee of gentlemen should be appointed by the President, or some competent body of gentlemen, to receive the Russians, conduct their correspondence, and make all other necessary arrangements for their reception and voyage, and also accompany them everywhere, and prevent those ill-timed intrusions which will arise if things are left to the spontaneous movement of the people. I have the honor to be your most obedient servant, Hon. WILLIAM H. SEWARD, Secretary of State, Washington, D. C. C. M. CLAY. |