CHAPTER XXI.

His Opinion of General Jackson-Great Men the Representatives of some cardinal Principle-Washington-Clay-The Rights of the People the great Standpoint of President Johnson's Character-His Construction of the Constitution-A Moral Lesson in the Study of his Life and Character -Influence upon the Youths of the Country-His Manners and Bearing— Personal Appearance-Family--His Difficult Task-Attempts of Factions to Use him-American, Roman, English, French, and German civilization.

In his estimate of the character of the great men who have adorned our country's annals, Mr. Johnson seems to regard General Jackson, next to General Washington, as his beau-ideal of a great man. This is not to be wondered

at.

There was very much of similarity in the early history of the two men. They were both natives of the same State. General Jackson's birthplace, at the time he was born, was in what was then considered as North Carolina; but on running the division between the two States afterwards, it fell south of the dividing line. On leaving their native State, both found a home in Tennessee, where they were honored and promoted by the same people. Both were left orphans at an early age, with widowed mothers to provide for. Both were thrown on their own resources, with no other fortune than their energy and self-reliance to sustain them. Both were favorites of the people, by whom they were invariably confided in and sustained. Both were decidedly and unaffectedly DEMOCRATIC in their politi

cal principles and personal feelings. But it was General Jackson's peculiar traits of character as a public man that excited the admiration and reverence which Mr. Johnson has ever felt for him. His boldness and candor in the maintenance and expression of his political opinions on all subjects-his determination of purpose amid the most trying obstacles-his self-reliance under any and all circumstances his ardent attachment to friends-his unquailing resistance to his enemies-his strong, straightforward common sense, which carried him directly to the object to be attained, regardless of the technical difficulties of logical deduction-his love for the people, and his pride in the possession of their admiration and esteem-his freedom from all affectation of dignified importance-these are the traits in General Jackson's character which excite Mr. Johnson's profound reverence and veneration. Whenever alluding to General Jackson, he cannot repress his feelings. In a speech delivered in the House of Representatives in 1845-not long before General Jackson's death-Mr. Johnson thus spoke of him:

"It is not necessary for me to speak of Andrew Jackson. A mere recital of his acts stamps him as one of the greatest civilians and military chieftains the world has ever produced; eulogy detracts from, instead of adding any thing to his great name; he has performed the important task assigned to him by an all-wise and inscrutable Providence. The measure of his country's glory is now full; his memory is deeply embalmed in the hearts of a grateful and prosperous people; he is now in retirement in the bosom of his adopted State, surrounded by Tennessee's native forest, enjoying the domestic sweets of his own Hermitage, there reflecting upon the varied and chequered scenes of his eventful life, which has been devoted exclusively to the promotion of his country's good. How consoling the meditation in this his very evening of life, while the lamp is sending forth its longest and brightest blaze,

which is soon to sink down to rise no more, and with the consoling hope of being crowned with eternal happiness beyond the grave! I thank God that General Jackson's reputation stands above and beyond the reach of all assaults coming from pretended friends or open enemies. His history is his country's legacy; it is for the people to defend it against all such attacks; and palsied should be the tongue that dares to calumniate his great name; powerless and withered should be the hand that attempts to pluck a single gem from that brilliant chaplet that encircles his illustrious brow!"

In perusing Mr. Johnson's speeches, the reader is forcibly struck with his thorough acquaintance with the Scriptures. His quotations and apt illustrations from the Bible show a great familiarity with that book, and that his reading of it must have been systematic. His frequent and reverential allusions to an all-wise and overruling Providence show very clearly that he recognizes, in their full measure, the great essentials of religious obligation and of Christian duty. Although not a communing member of any particular church, he is known to entertain the greatest reverence for the Christian religion, and veneration for the ministers of that faith, whilst he is entirely free from any trait of bigotry or sectarianism.

There is a striking similarity between the history of every great people and the characters of great historical men. Every great people has its peculiar type of civilization-its peculiar mission to fulfil in solving the problem of human progress. Every great man, whose name and achievements are a portion of his country's history, is in a measure the representative of some great abstract principle which gives him his peculiar identity. Washington was the impersonation of a conscientious discharge of DUTY. We see that same trait in his character in every relation in which he was ever placed. He was as dutiful a

subject to his king and country, before the war of the Revolution, as he was a patriot of independence after. Mr. Clay was the representative of PATRIOTISM. He judged of every question, and acted accordingly-with reference to how it would affect the honor and glory and happiness of his country. The great leading element in Mr. Webster's character was LIBERTY REGULATED BY LAW, as secured in the Constitution of the United States. Hence his idolatry for that instrument. With Andrew Johnson the great stand-point of his character is THE RIGHTS OF THE PEOPLE. His devotion, admiration, and regard for the Democraticrepublican element in our institutions, is no mere affectation. Hence we see in the whole history of his life, his acts, his speeches, his State papers-all exhibit the same watchful jealousy for the rights of the people. He has evidently been a great reader of history, especially with a view to the investigation of those causes that have undermined and destroyed other Governments. He regards the philosophy of government as consisting in the advancement of the masses in intellect, prosperity, and happiness. He has the most unquestionable faith in the capacity of man for self-government. His faith in this respect has been strengthened by historical reading, which teaches that the constant tendency in all Governments is "the stealing of power from the many to the few;" and that the highest duty and noblest mission of the statesman is to guard and defend the rights of the people against official and representative usurpations of power.

We find the same principles pervading Mr. Johnson's construction of the Constitution. In his interpretation of that instrument, he occupies a medium ground between the rigid constructionists who chaffer over the letter of the Constitution, and those latitudinarians who would stretch its spirit so as to embrace any and every power. When

ever the rights of the people are involved on any question on which the Constitution is silent or doubtful, Mr. Johnson looks to the spirit of the instrument. And regarding, as he does, the rights of the people to be the great paramount object that underlies the whole framework of our social and political systems, he construes the Constitution liberally in their favor wherever these rights are involved. On the other hand, wherever there is a conflict between popular rights and official prerogative and power, he is a rigid and strict constructionist in favor of the former as against the latter. He has always claimed to be a Staterights man. But his view of State rights is different from that ordinarily entertained by the special advocates of that school. In his maintenance of State rights, he contends not for mere territorial privileges, not for the mere rights and privileges of one politically organized community as against another, but the rights of the people of such State or community against official encroachment from any other quarter.

There is a moral lesson in the study of the life and character of Andrew Johnson which is calculated and cannot fail to make a deep impression on the minds of the rising generation. Genius, as has been before remarked, is naturally distrustful and retiring. When in poverty and undeveloped by education, it needs encouragement to enable it to exert its powers. Andrew Johnson's life and history speak to genius, when tethered by poverty and obscurity, the language of cheering and of hope. Let every poor boy in the land, no matter how dark may be his prospects in early life, no matter how friendless, no matter how unlearned, think of Andrew Johnson, and never despair. He here sees an instance of a man who, by constant toil and unremitting effort, fought his way from humble obscurity to the highest position in the nation. Let him