degree of propriety, remain longer. Inftead of complaining, they fhould grant him the only means of returning. His powers, he faid, were not illufory-that may be; but we must, however, acknowledge, that if any thing ever refembled an illufion, it is affuredly powers which cannot be put in execution till after propofitions are made on white paper, and a negotiation in blanks. Again, he fays, his powers are not limited. Oh, good God! why did he not fay fo when he was at Lifle? Why did he wait till he got to London, before he made this affertion? Was any thing elfe required of him? Was there even fo much required? He was only required to negotiate on the bafis of thofe laws and treaties that bind us; and after that, he was at liberty to particularize all poffible limits; that would have been fufficient to continue the negotiation. Why, then, did he not fay, "I have the actual power of negotiating fo and fo, but I think it my duty to propose such a thing?" Why, at least, did not he, who on his first embassy only spoke of a principle of compenfation, and who for three months only used that phrafe, fay, on his fecond, if his powers were unlimited-" I have the power of restoring every thing, inafmuch as I poffefs unlimited power; but I demand fome compenfations?" By acting otherwife, he has not shown much good faith, but he has fhown lefs ability; in fact, his powers were limited at Lifle, and now, at London, he would infer they were unlimited. Which is to be believed, this tardy declaration, or the first, which efcaped this rare negotiator when he was amongst us? With respect to the refumption of the conferences offered by. our negotiators remaining at Lifle, the underfigned declares, that he refers to his former note, in which he has pointed out with franknefs and precifion the only means that remain for continuing the negotiation. This former note, of 22d of September, a copy of which has been fent us from London, imports, that the negotiation cannot be resumed but on the bafis of the plan detailed with fo much franknefs, and tranfmitted by the undersigned, during the first days of his refidence at Lifle; or by delivering a contre-projet. This plan of the undersigned, delivered with fo much franknefs, is, as we know, a plan which details every thing in blanks; and it must be acknowledged that a contre-projet, which thould alfo be made in blanks, would be entirely of the fame description, but no less conciliatory. Lord Malmesbury laftly declares, that the King, his mafter, can no longer treat in an enemy's country, without the certainty of having refpected, in the perfon of his plenipotentiary, thofe ufages eftablished among all civilized nations, with respect to public minifters. Is it then to fail in the refpect we owe to ourselves, as well as the nation with whom we treat, to demand of a plenipotentiary powers neceffary to treat with effect? Is it not true respect to thow ourselves tenacious of the blood of the people, and that we are not defirous of abandoning their welfare to the unworthy fport of diplomatic forms, and to defire that a moment may not be loft in vain ceremonies, when the repofe of the world is at stake? In reality, to fail in that respect, confecrated by all the customs and laws of nations, is to dare to fend back an ambassador to negotiate upon a bafis entirely inconfiftent with the power to be treated with. Lord Malmesbury well knows which is the power that has permitted this outrageous violation of every principle; but what is at once most ridiculous and abfurd is, to pretend that they are not the real authors of the war, which has been the confequence of fuch an outrage, and in which rivers of blood have been fhed. Addrefs to his Imperial Majefty relative to the revolutionizing the left Bank of the Rhine. Dated Ratifbon, Oct. 17, 1797. IT T is well known from various concurring and indubitable accounts, how zealoufly and inceffantly the French civil and military agents, the intermediary commiffion at Bonn, and the German coadjutors in their pay, on the Lower Rhine, have laboured to carry into execution their highly dangerous plan, to spread still wider their principles, fo peculiarly adverse to the Germanic conftitution, to government, fubordination, and order, and thereby to loofen the bonds of civil fociety; to alienate the subjects from their lords, and to weaken, by working on their hopes and fears, their hitherto unfhaken fidelity, to detach them from their dependence and their duty; and on this foundation to erect what they have already denominated a Cifrhenane republic, torn from the Germanic empire. The decree of the diet of the 22d of March, 1793, had already ftated the mischievous confequences of fuch plans, maxims, and principles, among the principal dangers which the Germanic empire had to apprehend from France; and the Imperial court decree of ratification of the 30th of April of the fame year admitted the truth of this danger, and placed in the clearest light the preffing neceffity of counteracting fuch projects and principles, adding at the fame time additional motives derived from the fame fource. The measures oppofed to fuch defigns have, however, not had a durable, and certainly not the defired effect. Yet when the preliminaries of peace had been figned at Leoben, on the 18th of April of the prefent year, and their ratification interchanged between the plenipotentiaries of his Imperial Majefty and those of France; in which preliminaries it was ftipulated that the defini tive tive treaty should be concluded on the basis of the integrity of the empire; it was to be expected that all attempts to alienate the fubjects of Germany from the conftitution of their country, to loofen the ties of their fidelity to their lords, and by fuch means to feparate the countries on the left banks of the Rhine from the German empire, would entirely have ceased. The principles of truth and faith common to, and held facred by all nations and all governments, forbid us to fuppofe that such plans of revolution can have immediately originated with the French government, or that they can proceed from any other cause than the ill-advised officioufnefs and miftaken zeal of fome agents of that government. Yet are the confequences precifely the fame with refpect to the means and end; and much is it to be feared that the arret of the intermediary commiffion at Bonn, of the 29th of Fructidor (Sept. 15)—(the arret which promises freedom from feudal fervices, impofts, tithes, c. to fuch communes as fball become annexed to the Cifrhenane republic), and the advantages it offers, may have but too great an effect; and that even those who would otherwife retain their fidelity, may at length fink under repeated attacks, when they have no hope of receiving any fuc cour. His Electoral Highnefs of Cologn has therefore, agreeably to the attention he has conftantly manifefted for the welfare of Germany, and his paternal care and love for his fubjects, and the other loyal inhabitants of the left bank of the Rhine, reprefented the continually increafing danger of fuch proceedings to his Highnefs the Elector of Mentz, who had fubmitted to the general diet of the empire the neceffity of concerting measures to stop the progrefs of fo ferious an evil, and provide against it in future; and the diet, after mature confideration, has refolved most humbly to represent to his Imperial Majefty, in all its circumftances, a proceeding contrary to the tenor of the preliminaries figned at Leoben on the 18th of April of the present year, and ratified and interchanged by the Imperial and French plenipotentiaries, and humbly to requeft his Majefty to employ his influence with the French government to obtain that in the countries of the empire" lying between the Meufe, the Mofelle, and the Rhine, every thing may remain in ftatu quo; and that the integrity of the Germanic empire fhall not be attacked by the feduction of the inhabitants, or by granting any manner of aid and protection to fuch as may attempt to difturb the public tranquillity. This humble reprefentation and requeft is hereby made with the moft lively and unlimited confidence in the protection of his Imperial Majefty, which the German empire has fo frequently experienced. Papers relative to Neutral Powers. UNITED STATES OF AMERICA*. Communication received from the Prefident, by the House of Reprefentatives of the United States, together with the Documents therein referred to, on the 19th January, 1797. Gentlemen of the Senate, and of the ΑΙ T the opening of the prefent feffion of Congrefs, I mentioned that fome circumftances of an unwelcome nature had lately occurred in relation to France; that our trade had fuffered and was fuffering extenfive injuries in the Weft Indies from the cruifers and agents of the French republic; and that communications had been In the 4th volume of our collection, page 294, we inferted feveral refolutions purporting to have been paffed by the Houfe of Representatives; one of which related" to the non-expediency of concurring in the pafling, of the laws neceffary for carrying the treaty of amity and commerce with Great Britain into effect." We find by the fubjoined letter and refolution, addreffed to the publisher, that no fuch refolution was paffed; but that a motion only was made to that effect. We very readily correct the mistake, which we were led into by fome foreign papers, and beg leave to exprefs our thanks to the gentleman from whom the following communication was received: Sir, Philadelphia, July 20th, 1797. HAVING obferved in the 4th volume of your valuable Collection of State Papers, page 294, that you have given to Europe, as a refolution of the Houfe of Reprefentatives of the United States, what was in fact a motion only, prefented to that Houfe, but never agreed to, nor even discussed; I have thought it proper to furnish you with the means of correcting this mistake. When the refolution for carrying the British treaty into effect was under difcuflion, this motion was prefented to the Houfe by the oppofition, as the meafure which, in cafe that refolution fhould be rejected, they intended to bring forward in its flead: but the refolution having been carried, the fubftitute was never taken up; though it had been printed for the information of the members, and, like all other motions, was entered at large on the Journal. Having been a member myself when thefe tranfactions took place, I can affirm that they were as I have ftated: but to give the ftatement a more authentic formi, I have fubjoined the motion itlelf, with a certificate from the been received from its minifter here which indicated danger of a further disturbance of our commerce by its authority, and that were in other refpects far from agreeable: but that I referved for a fpecial meffage a more particular communication on this interefting fubject.-This communication I now make. The complaints of the French minifter embraced most of the tranfactions of our government in relation to France, from an early period of the prefent war; which therefore it was neceffary carefully to review. A collection has been formed of letters and papers relating to thofe tranfactions, which I now lay before you, with a letter to Mr. Pinkney, our minifter at Paris, containing an the clerk at the bottom. The defire of vindicating the House of Representatives from the imputation of fo great an inconfiftency as to pafs this refolution, and then carry the treaty into effect within a few weeks, will, I hope, be a fufficient excufe for the trouble given you on this fubject, by, Mr. Debrett. Sir, your very humble Seryant. In the House of Reprefentatives of the United States. Thursday, the 14th April, 1796. ON a motion made and feconded, that the Houfe do come to the following refolution: "The Houfe having taken into confideration the treaty of amity, commerce, and navigation, between the United States and Great Britain, communicated by the Prefident, in his meffage of the first day of March laft, are of opinion, that it is, in many refpects, highly injurious to the intereft of the United States; yet, were they poffeffed of any information which could juftify the great facrifices contained in that treaty, their fincere defire to cherish harmony and amicable intercourfe with all nations, and their earneft wish to co-operate in haftening a final adjustment of the differences fubfifting between the United States and Great Britain, might have induced them to wave their objections to the treaty: but when they contemplate the conduct of Great Britain, in perfevering, fince the treaty was figned, in the impreffment of American feamen, and the feizure of American veffels (laden with provifions), contrary to the cleareft rights of neutral nations→→ whether this be viewed as the construction meant to be given to any articles in the treaty, or as contrary to, and an infraction of the true meaning and fpirit thereof-the Houfe cannot but regard it as incumbent on them, in fidelity to the truft repofed in them, to forbear, under fuch circumstances, taking, at prefent, any active measures on the fubject: therefore, "Refolved, That, under the circumftances aforefaid, and with fuch in. formation as the Houfe poffefs, it is not expedient, at this time, to concur in paffing the laws neceffary for carrying the faid treaty into effect." Ordered, that the faid motion be committed to the committee of the whole House on the ftate of the union. Extract from the Journal, I certify, that it does not appear from the Journal of the Houfe, that the foregoing motion was confidered by the committee of the whole Houfe on the state of the union, to whom it was referred, or that it was agreed to by the House JONATHAN W. CONDY, Clerk. Philadelphia, July 19th, 1797. exa |