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would be attributing to me a very narrow view of things.

A multitude of the opinions, sentiments, and instincts which belong to our times owe their origin to circumstances which have nothing to do with the principle of equality, or are even hostile to it. Thus, taking the United States for example, I could easily prove that the nature of the country, the origin of its inhabitants, the religion of the early settlers, their acquired knowledge, their previous habits, have exercised, and still do exercise, independently of democracy, an immense influence upon their modes of thought and feeling. Other causes, equally independent of the principle of equality, would be found in Europe, and would explain much of what is passing there.

I recognize the existence and the efficiency of all these various causes; but my subject does not lead me to speak of them. I have not undertaken to point out the origin and nature of all our inclinations and all our ideas; I have only endeavored to show how far both of them are affected by the equality of men's conditions.

As I am firmly convinced that the democratic revolution which we are now beholding is an irresistible fact, against which it would be neither desirable nor prudent to contend, some persons perhaps may be surprised that, in the course of this book, I have often applied language of strong censure to the democratic communities which this

revolution has created. The simple reason is, that precisely because I was not an opponent of democracy, I wished to speak of it with all sincerity. Men will not receive the truth from their enemies, and it is very seldom offered to them by their friends; on this very account, I have frankly uttered it. I believed that many persons would take it upon themselves to inform men of the benefits which they might hope to receive from the establishment of equality, whilst very few would venture to point out from afar the dangers with which it would be attended. It is principally towards these dangers, therefore, that I directed my gaze; and, believing that I had clearly discerned what they are, it would have been cowardice to say nothing about them.

I hope the same impartiality will be found in this second work which people seemed to observe in its predecessor. Placed between the conflicting opinions which divide my countrymen, I have endeavored for the time to stifle in my own bosom the sympathy or the aversion that I felt for either. If the readers of my book find in it a single phrase intended to flatter either of the great parties which have agitated our country, or any one of the petty factions which in our day harass and weaken it, let them raise their voices and accuse me.

The subject which I wished to cover by my investigations is immense ; for it includes most of the feelings and opinions produced by the new

condition of the world's affairs. Such a subject certainly exceeds my strength, and in the treatment of it I have not been able to satisfy myself. But though I could not reach the object at which I aimed, my readers will at least do me the justice to believe, that I conceived and followed out the undertaking in a spirit which rendered me worthy of success.

CONTENTS OF VOL. II.

FIRST BOOK.

INFLUENCE OF DEMOCRACY UPON THE ACTION OF INTELLECT

IN THE UNITED STATES.

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CHAPTER II.
OF THE PRINCIPAL SOURCE OF BELIEF AMONG DEMOCRATIC NA-

TIONS

8

CHAPTER III.
WAY THE AMERICANS SHOW MORE APTITUDE AND TASTE FOR

GENERAL IDEAS THAN THEIR FOREFATHERS, THE ENGLISH .

14

CHAPTER IV.
WHY THE AMERICANS HAVE NEVER BEEN SO EAGER AS THE FRENCH

FOR GENERAL IDEAS IN POLITICAL AFFAIRS.

20

CHAPTER V.
How RELIGION IN THE UNITED STATES AVAILS ITSELF OF DEM-

OCRATIC TENDENCIES

22.

CHAPTER VI.
THE PROGRESS OF ROMAN CATHOLICISY IN THE UNITED STATES.

33

CHAPTER VII.
WHAT CAUSES DEMOCRATIC NATIONS TO INCLINE TOWARDS PAN-

THEISM.

35

CHAPTER VIII.
How EQUALITY SUGGESTS TO THE AMERICANS THE IDEA OF THE

INDEFINITE PERFECTIBILITY OF MAN

37

CHAPTER IX.
THE EXAMPLE OF THE AMERICANS DOES NOT PROVE THAT A DEMO-

CRATIC PEOPLE CAN HAVE NO APTITUDE AND NO TASTE FOR
SCIENCE, LITERATURE, or ART

40

CHAPTER X.
WHY THE AMERICANS ARE MORE ADDICTED TO PRACTICAL THAN

TO THEORETICAL SCIENCE

47

.

CHAPTER XI.
IN WHAT SPIRIT THE AMERICANS CULTIVATE THE ARTS

. 56

CHAPTER XII.
Wuy thE AMERICANS RAISE SOME INSIGNIFICANT MONUMENTS, AND

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CHAPTER XV.
THE STUDY OF GREEK AND LATIN LITERATURE IS PECULIARLY

USEFUL IN DEMOCRATIC COMMUNITIES

74

CHAPTER XVI.
How THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY HAS MODIFIED THE ENGLISH

LANGUAGE

77

CHAPTER XVII.
OF SOME SOURCES OF POETRY AMONGST DEMOCRATIC NATIONS

86

CHAPTER XVIII.
WHY AMERICAN WRITERS AND ORATORS OFTEN USE AN INFLATED

Style.

94

CHAPTER XIX.
SOME OBSERVATIONS ON THE DRAMA AMONGST DEMOCRATIC NA-

TIONS

96

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