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LAMARTINE'S GIRONDINS.*

THE work, the title of which is prefixed to this article, has attracted much notice in Europe, as imbodying the opinions of a man of acknowledged genius, on a subject of great and lasting interest. M. De Lamartine offers his book to the public, not as a complete history of the events he relates, but as a sketch in which some of the causes and effects of the French Revolution are rapidly developed; and the particular agency of a small, but powerful party, in the struggle of a nation for its rights, forms the chief subject of investigation. "This recital," says the author, "has none of the pretensions of history, and should not affect its gravity." We own we do not see much reason for this disclaimer: M. De Lamartine's work, as far as it extends, is a history in the fullest sense of the word; men and events are drawn, not with the indistinctness of outline and expression which marks a mere sketch, but with the lights and shadows of a finished picture. Every material circumstance, from the flight of the King to the fall of Robespierre, finds its place in this record; and each prominent individual, from Mirabeau to Marat, is portrayed with vigor and seeming truth. The style, though brilliant, is occasionally clouded by metaphysical subtleties; it partakes, too, of that dramatic character, which may sometimes lead to the substitution of fiction for fact, but has always the merit of keeping the reader's attention alive, and of imparting to the narrative an interest that seldom flags.

Though M. De Lamartine disclaims for his work the dignity of historical character, it is certainly not with the view of escaping the responsibility of the historian. He has not burthened his work with references to authorities; neither appendix, nor notes, reveal the sources of his information; but he pledges his word, that he has

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put nothing on record for which he cannot quote both chapter and verse, and if the truth of his statements be assailed, professes his willingness to defend it. It would have been better, wherever he differs from his predecessors in matters of fact, to have assigned at once the grounds of that difference. The instances cannot be so numerous or important, as to have much impeded the march of the narrative. Another error which, with due respect be it written, he seems to us to have committed, is the introduction in his book of matter which, though not adventitious, yet might better have been reserved for utterance on another occasion. He is now engaged in the history of the Constituent Assembly, a work in which his just and philosophic view of the influence of Voltaire and Rousseau on the spirit of their age, would appear, certainly, with more propriety.

The death of Mirabeau has been selected by the author, as the starting point of his story. This extraordinary man, notwithstanding his private vices, had in public life an integrity of purpose, which, united with his genius, might have enabled him to secure two objects apparently incompatible the freedom of the people, and the authority of the crown. The correspondence found in the iron chest at the Tuilleries, proves, that he had pledged himself to the King, so to direct the current of revolutionary opinion, as to preserve to the throne its due share of political influence; but by what means he would have executed this purpose, must be left to conjecture. Mirabeau was not likely to miscalculate his strength: no man of his time possessed in an equal degree the faculty of lifting the veil from the face of the future, nor was there one among the statesmen of that age, who, like him, could mould circumstances to his will, and "pluck safety out of dan

*Histoire des Girondins. Par A. DE LAMARTINE. Paris, 1847. History of the Girondins, or Personal Memoirs of the Patriots of the French Revolution. From unpublished sources. By ALPHONSE DE LAMARTINE. Translated by H. J. Hyde. 3 vols. 8vo. New York: Harper & Brothers. 1847.

ger." His last words prove that he distinctly foresaw, that at his death, France would become the prey of factious fury, and firmly believed, that had his life been spared he could have averted the evil. On this subject, M. De Lamartine is a skeptic, and his doubts rest on the fact, that as far as they are known, the means relied on by Mirabeau seem disproportioned to the end proposed. This may be,-yet the whole current of the world's story shows, that great effects arise from trifling causes; and we learn from the very narrative before us, that on more than one occasion, the Revolution might have been essentially modified by the action of a single determined will.

It was a part of Mirabeau's project, that the King should leave Paris secretly, join De Bouille's army, and put himself in a position to negotiate on equal terms with his refractory subjects, while the orator himself should remain in the capital, and so operate on the fears and hopes of the National Assembly, as to promote a reestablishment of law and order on a basis too solid to be afterwards shaken. The plan was feasible, yet before it could be executed, he who gave it was carried to the grave, and the King forced to seek counsel and assistance from men who could bring nought to his service, save personal courage and devotion. The project of a flight was, however, adhered to; and on the 20th of June, 1791, the royal family, eluding the guards at the palace, set forth on its adventurous journey. Ill-combined movements on the part of the Marquis De Bouillé, together with the concurrence of fortuitous events, led to the failure of this attempt. Louis was arrested at Varrennes, and carried back to Paris-a sovereign, yet a prisoner. It was then, that for the first time, the word "Republic" was spoken not by the National Assembly, for a majority of its members still clung to the constitution they had created-but by the Cordeliers and Jacobins, two political clubs, which, even at this date, may be said to have governed France, since in their bosom were engendered those doctrines which, through the medium of affiliated societies, were soon spread and adopted in every quarter of the kingdom.

The National Assembly was, at this period, divided into three parties: the Monarchists, who blindly clung to old abuses,

and thoroughly detested the Revolution and its works; the Constitutionalists, who, full of faith in the newly formed government, wished for this thing of their making a length of life proportioned to its supposed excellence; and the Republicans, few in number, but ardent in temper, who saw in what had been done only a ground-work for further change, and looked to time and exertion for the realization of their hopes. The first party was led by Maury, Montlozier, Montesquiou and De Pradt; the second by Barnave, the Lameths and Duport; and the third recognized among its chiefs, one whose name was destined to obtain a terrible celebrity,-MAXIMILIAN ROBESPpierre.

Indignant at the King's captivity, (and there were circumstances attending the arrest of Louis, calculated to rouse indignation,) the Monarchists determined to remain in the Assembly silent witnesses of what was to ensue, and show their disapprobation only by a refusal to speak or vote. This was abandoning the field to the enemy; and the first effect of this ill-advised measure was, to encourage the Republicans to try how far the maxims prevalent in the clubs would find countenance and support in the National Assembly. On this occasion, Robespierre was the mouth-piece of his party, and was answered by Barnave, who, as leader of the Constitutionalists, held the doctrine, that the King's person was inviolable, and that his temporary absence could not justify, on the part of the Assembly, a measure so violent as that of deposition. This speech, the ablest that Barnave ever made, and which alone is sufficient to fix his reputation as a great orator, carried with it a large majority of votes, and for a time, all danger was averted of witnessing the death of a constitution. which had just been called into life.

The Republicans were not dispirited by this check. The Press, that mighty engine of mischief as of good, enabled them to fill the public mind with angry suspicions. The King, the Queen, the most eminent members of the constitutional party, became objects of reiterated attack. sarcastic wit of Des Moulins, the subtle sophistry of Brissot, the crazy denunciations of Marat, found daily employment; and the result of these labors was soon visible in tumultuary meetings of the people, and

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in petitions to the Assembly, demanding the forfeiture of the crown, and the proclamation of the Republic. But the "pear was not yet ripe," the meetings were dispersed the petitions read with indifference --and the Assembly continued its revision of the constitution, regardless of popular clamor.

"Marat was born in Switzerland. A writer without talent, a man of learning without reputation, ardently loving glory, without having received from nature or society the means of becoming illustrious; he avenged himself on all that is great in society or in nature. To him genius was not less odious than aristocracy. He pursued it like an enemy wherever it appeared. He would have levelled creation itself. Equality was his passion, because superiority caused his martyrdom. He loved the Revolution, since it brought all to his level. He loved it even unto blood, because blood washed out the stain of his long obscurity. He was the people's informer; he knew that denunciation was flattery to all that tremble, and that the people trembled. A prophet of demagogism, inspired by insanity, he uttered his

We have named three men whose writings were of much influence over the mutable people of Paris. Brissot, eminent as a journalist, soon rose to higher distinction, and became in after years the acknowledged head of the Girondists. "He was," says M. De Lamartine, "at the outset, a Constitutionalist, and by turns the friend of Necker and of Mirabeau; a hireling be-night-dreams as the revelations of day-confore he became a statesman, he saw in the people only a sovereign about beginning its reign. The Republic was his rising sun. He hailed its approach as the source of his fortune, but he hailed it with prudence, looking often around to see if public opinion justified his adoration." Camille Des Moulins was a man of different stamp, with more talent, and less ambition, venality, or calculation. The following portrait of him bears the impress of truth :

“This young student, who became a politician by mounting a chair in the Palais Royal on the first outbreak of the people in July, 1789, preserved in his brilliant style something of his early character. His was the sarcastic genius of Voltaire sunk from the saloon to the mountebank's bench. No man was ever in himself a more striking personification of the people than Camille Des Moulins. He was the mob with its tumultuous, unexpected movements, its mutability, its want of connected thought, its rage interrupted by laughter, or suddenly changed to sympathy and pity for the very victims it immolated. A man so ardent and yet so trifling, so common-place and yet so inspired, so undecided between blood or tears, so ready to drag in the dust what in his hour of enthusiasm he had raised to heaven, must have had over a revolted people an authority proportioned to the resemblance which he bore to them. The part which he played was in conformity with his nature. He did not ape the people-he was the people. His journal, distributed by night in public places, or cried by day with coarse commentaries, has not been swept away with

the filth of the time. It remains, and will remain, a Menippean satire steeped in blood."

spiracies. The Seid of the people, he gained its favor by devotion to its interests. Like all oracles, he affected mystery. He lived in seclusion, and never went forth but by night. His communications with his fellow-men were guarded with sinister precautions. A cellar was his home and refuge against poison or the dagger."

Such were the apostles of the new faith, who found eager listeners among a people prepared by centuries of oppression to regard revolt as a duty, and vengeance as a right.

On the 17th of May, 1792, a general meeting of the citizens of Paris was held in the Champ de Mars; to give to it increased solemnity, an altar to Liberty had been erected, and it was proposed, that on that altar a last petition, similar in character to those which before had been presented in vain, should receive the signatures of citizens, and from thence be forwarded to the provinces for approval and concurrence. Such was the ostensible purpose of the meeting, but those who had been most active in promoting it-Danton, Des Moulins, Robespierre, and others--expected from it a course of action far more vigorous. The experiment was to be tried, how far the firmness of the National Assembly would be found available against the force of a mob. On the morning of that day, however, an event sufficiently deplorable in itself, was followed by effects for which the demagogues were unprepared. Two invalid soldiers were discovered concealed under the frame-work of

The character of Marat is not less im- the newly built altar: a rumor ran through pressive:

the crowd, that they were emissaries of

the nation, the throne and liberty, were reconciled in the constitution, and that after three years of strife and agitation, the day of peace had arrived." The King and even the Queen, against whom the hatred of the populace had been especially directed, were received by the fickle multitude with shouts of applause; but this ebullition of French sentiment proved short-lived— the Vive le Rois came from the lips, but had no echo in the hearts of the people. The outrages to which Louis had been so long subjected robbed him of all majesty, and notwithstanding the seeming enthusiasm with which he was greeted, after taking the oath of office, his position remained essentially false. He had consented to accept the forgiveness of his people. He had sworn to carry into effect a constitution from which he had fled. He was a pardoned King. Europe saw in him only a monarch escaped from a throne, and brought back to his punishment, the nation a traitor, and the Revolution a play-thing."

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the King, and placed there for a mischie- | of artillery told France that the King and vous purpose. According to mob-law, execution preceded trial, and the truth of the charge was not investigated till the unhappy veterans had been torn to pieces. The news of this outrage reached the ears of Bailly, then Mayor of Paris. He was a just man, and firm as he was just. Summoning the military force with Lafayette at its head, he set forth to arrest and punish the guilty. His advance was resisted, the troops assailed with clubs, stones and pistol-shots; nor was it till the red flag was unfurled, and the soldiers made their charge, that the dense mass melted away, leaving several hundred dead upon the field. For a time, the triumph of law and order seemed to be complete. The clubs were closed; the instigators of the mob, Danton, Des Moulins, Fréron and others, fled from offended justice, and sought seclusion and safety in the obscurest recesses of Paris; and had as much energy been manifested in the pursuit, as was shown in the conflict, Jacobinism would have ceased to exist. Had Mirabeau been then alive and present to direct the public councils, how many crimes would have been spared! how much misery averted! But Lafayette and Bailly hesitated in the hour of success, and this hesitation ruined all. After an interval of a few days, the agitators crept from their hiding-placesthe clubs were re-opened-the press again teemed with denunciations-the dispersion of a lawless mob was represented as a cruel slaughter of unarmed men-the number of sufferers was swelled from hundreds to thousands-and such is the effect on the public mind, of a constant repetition of falsehood, that the lawful actionof the force raised for the protection of Paris, and led by two of the purest men of their time, is spoken of to this day as the "Massacre of the 17th of May !"

But the hour was approaching, when the Assembly, having completed its labors, was to disappear from the scene, leaving the future operations of government to be carried on according to the forms of the new constitution. The King, liberated from imprisonment, was brought forward to swear to the maintenance of the compact between him and his people. The ceremony adopted on the occasion was imposing."Military music and repeated salvos

It now remained for the National Assembly to take leave of the public; but ere it separated, a motion was made by Robespierre, and carried by a large majority of votes, that no member should be eligible to the new Assembly for the space of four years. The object of the motion is thus explained by M. De Lamartine:

"Robespierre, knowing his weakness in an Assembly composed of its present elements, wished to exclude these elements from the new legislative body. The law to which he subjected his colleagues, bore equally on himself, but the source of his power was the Jacobin club, and there he had no rival. Instinct or calculation had taught him that the action of a legislature new, inexperienced, and composed of obscure men, would necessarily be controlled by the clubs. It was enough for his purpose that faction should reign; his great popularity made it certain, that sooner or later, he would reign over faction."

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