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dismemberment towards Mexico on the recognize and adopt this war for the conpart of the President, but because Con quest and dismemberment of Mexico ? gress was in no way to be deemed to have The Issue becomes a practical one, since been committed to such a purpose. The the question must be met by official action. war which Congress had recognized and One way or the other it must be decided,and adopted, and for the support of which it the decision must stand out before the counhad voted supplies of men and money, was try in official conduct. The object of the war not, so far as Congress was a party to it, a is clearly set forth in the President's Meswar for conquest in any sense, but is to be sage--to secure a boundary on the Rio deemed to have been prosecuted solely for Grande, the whole of New Mexico on both the purpose of compelling Mexico to come sides of that river, and the two Californias, to just terms of accommodation with us; by conquest; and, in general terms, the to cease her hostility to us on account of mode or plan of military operations, by the annexation of Texas; to agree to a which these conquests are to be secured, is just and proper boundary between Texas set forth. and her dominions; and to pay or se I cannot doubt,” says the President, cure to us, or give us full indemnity for, “ that we should secure and render availathe demands of our citizens on her jus- ble the conquests which we have already tice. It was a war, so far as Congress made; and that, with this view, we should or the country was a party to it, which hold and occupy, by our naval and milishould have ceased from the hour that tary forces, all the ports, towns, cities and Mexico was brought to propose, or accede provinces now in our occupation, or which

to, these terms of accommodation. That may hereafter fall into our possession. * ** V point was carried—that object of the war Besides New Mexico and the Californias,

was fully gained, as we think we have de- there are other Mexican provinces which monstrated in our former article on the have been reduced to our possession by Message. Mexico was ready to give up conquest. *** They should continue to be Texas ; to make the desert between the held as a means of coercing Mexico to acNueces and the Rio Grande the boundary; cede to just terms of peace.

* * * What final and to give us one half of Upper California disposition it may be proper to make of and the port of San Francisco, for indem- them must depend on the future progress nity for our claims. With this the war of the war, and the course which Mexico which Congress was waging against Mex- may think proper hereafter to pursue.” ieo should have ceased. It was the fault The plan of military operations is to of the President, and not of Mexico, that subjugate all Mexico-not, the President it did not cease. He set up new claims assures us, as an end, but as a means. and pretensions, to which Congress was It has never been contemplated by me, in no way a party. He demanded the as an object of the war, to make a permadismemberment of that country—an ob- nent conquest of the Republic of Mexico, ject of the war to which Congress had or to annihilate her separate existence as given no sanction--which Mexico could an independent nation." Still he recomnot be purchased with money to submit mends : Ist. That Congress shall permato—and for which, on his own responsi- nently appropriate to the United States bility, he caused the war to be renewed forth with, and never to be surrendered, the and prosecuted. And this war it is a provinces of New Mexico and the Califorwar having now for its precise object the niasnearly one-half of the country withconsummation of the President's avowed in the territorial limits of the Mexican empurpose of conquering and dismembering pire. 2d. That we should hold on to all Mexico—in support of which the Presi- the other provinces, ports, cities and pladent invites and demands the co-operation ces already in our occupation. 3d. That of Congress.

we should prosecute the war “with inWhat will Congress do on this momen creased


in the vital parts tous Issue ? How will Whig Senators of the enemy's country,”-of course, to and a Whig House of Representatives an- conquer as far as possible the remaining swer the call and demand which the Presi- portions of that country, to be held as the dent now makes upon them? Will they rest,“ as a means of coercing Mexico to

energy and

accede to just terms of peace.” What he ken of, but shows plainly enough what the means by “just terms of peace," he ex Secretary's “plan of operations” is deplains abundantly in the Message. If signed to accomplish in the subjugation ever Mexico makes peace with us, it must of all Mexico :be by consenting to dismemberment, at least to the extent of losing New Mexico “ Augment this army to fifty thousand men, and the two Californias. “What final dis- to enable them to occupy, at the same time, position it may be proper to make of the rest nearly all the State Capitals and other principal of our conquests must depend on the future cities; to drive guerrilla and other robbing parprogress of the war, and the course which

ties from the great highways of trade ; to seize

into our hands all the ordinary revenues of the Mexico may think

to pursue !"

country, internal as well as external, for the The meaning of all this, we say, is plain support of the occupation, and to keep the Cenenough. The President proposes, as the tral Government in constant motion and alarm, immediate and first object of the war, re

until constrained to sue for peace.” commenced by his orders after the conferences in September, to secure to the Uni Never was there in so few words, a more ted States the permanent conquest and complete picture of a subjugated country possession of New Mexico and the Califor- than that presented in this brief extract, nias ; and he proposes as a means thereto, as what should be accomplished and witso far as may be found practicable, the en- nessed in Mexico, if General Scott should tire conquest and complete subjugation of be furnished with the requisite army, and the whole Mexican country—to be sur instructed to execute the Secretary's plan rendered, or held, in whole or in part, of operations. And precisely what the hereafter, according as “the future pro- President is new demanding of Congress gress of the war, and the course which is, that it shalt adopt and sanction this plan Mexico


proper to pursue,” shall of operations, and give him the means of seem to render expedient and proper. carrying it into immediate execution. What

The recommendations of the Secretary shall happen when Mexico shall thus be of War and of the President, and the mea- subjugated ; when w have permanently sures instituted thereupon in the Senate, appropriated to ourselves New Mexico and by the friends of the Executive, for raising the Californias, to secure which is the first thirty new regiments of men-ten regi avowed object of this complete subjugaments of regulars, and twenty regiments of tion; and when “nearly all the State Capivolunteers—in addition to the large force tals and other principal cities” shall be already in the field, and the further force conquered and held under our military ocwhich may be brought into the field under cupation and authority ; in short, when existing lawsand all this for the avowed Mexico, as a country, shall be conquered purpose of widening and extending our and subjugated, all her revenues, internal military operations and conquests in Mexi- and external, seized into our hands, her co—show demonstrably that we are not Central Government dissolved, or finding mistaken when we say, that the grand de- no resting place, and the whole empire, sign of the President is, whether as a indeed, brought under the rule of the milimeans or an end, or let it lead to what it tary power of this Government—what shall may, to subjugate all Mexico by the power happen then, the President professes not of our arms, as far as it may be found to be able to tell. After helping himself practicable to do so. A few days ago, in to those countries which are his present uldebate in the Senate on this subject, Gen- timatum, it will depend on “the future

proeral Cass, Chairman of the War Committee, gress of the war, and the course which presented a very meagre extract from a Mexico shall think proper to pursue,” what letter which he said the Government had disposition shall be made of the residue of received from General Scott, containing the empire. Verily, it was no abstraction “an estimate of the force he [General this time, with which Mr. Calhoun was Scott] deems necessary to carry into effect dealing, when, recently, he submitted certhe plan of operations which is recommen tain Resolutions in the Senate, and sounded ded by the Secretary of War.” This ex an alarm to the country, lest we should tract not only furnishes the estimate spo- | shortly find ourselves, with or without any

such purpose, with the Mexican empire on save the country from the degradation and our hands, and the awful question of its ruin which the President and his infatuadisposal—how to hold it, or how to get ted party are certainly preparing for it. rid of it-to be met and settled. It was When the House of Representatives shall no abstraction which declared, in the lan be called on for supplies of men and money v guage of his second resolution, “That no for this war, we look for an answer from line of policy in the further prosecution of the majority of that body worthy of their this war should be adopted, which may noble principles, and of the high trust lead to consequences so disastrous.” committed to them. It is not for us to

There are now in Mexico, and on their suggest the mode of meeting their responway there, according to official returns, of sible duties in this regard. They will find land forces, about 45,700 men. To these a way of doing all their duty—to our galare to be added 5,000 seamen and ma- lant army in Mexico—to the country enrines, employed in the same service. In gaged in war with a foreign power-until addition to this force, the Executive has a peace, really just and honorable to both authority by existing laws, to raise a parties, shall be effected; they will find a further force of 7,000 enlisted soldiers, way of doing this, without making themand 12,500 volunteers for the war. Here selves, or allowing Congress to make itself, is an aggregate force of 70,000 men either a party to a flagrant war of conquest and in the field,

or authorized to be called there robbery, waged upon a weak and almost immediately. And now the President is defenceless power. They will take a fit asking for authority to raise an additional occasion to announce, by some authoritative force of 30,000 men! What part of the action, on the part of that body with motive for this extraordinary demand is to whom all supplies must originate, for be set down to a desire and determination what objects of the war they will, and for to make the patronage of the war power what objects they will not, give the Presiin his hands, support the war as long as he dent the means of carrying it on.

We chooses to carry it on, and for whatever cannot entertain a doubt that we speak objects of conquest and robbery, we can the common sentiment of the Whig party not tell, nor shall we now stop to inquire. in Congress and throughout the country, We look at this demand as it bears directly when we say, that in the offers made by on the great question, now brought home the Mexican Commissioners to Mr. Trist in to the conscience of every member of the September last, a basis was proposed for American Congress : Shall this war of the a peace between the two countries on just President's, renewed under his orders after terms, which ought to have resulted in a just and honorable terms of peace had treaty of peace, and which would have rebeen tendered by Mexico—a war, having sulted in such a treaty, free from every exfor its avowed object the conquest and dis- ceptionable condition or demand on the memberment of Mexico, to an extent which part of Mexico, and entirely acceptable to demonstrates that indemnity for our just the people of the United States, if the claims has nothing to do with it, by a President had not set up an impertinent plan of military operations which contem- and unjustifiable demand, as an ultimatum, plates the complete subjugation of that for the further dismemberment of Mexico, empire-shall this war of the President's after she had tendered a cession of territobe adopted and sanctioned by Congress, ry far exceeding in value the demands he which is the sole war-making power of made upon her for indemnity. Such, as this Government ? For ourselves we shall we believe, being the settled and abiding wait, with confidence, yet not without deep sentiment of the Whigs in Congress, they solicitude, for the result of the delibera will support the war just so far as it may tions of Congress on this momentous ques be necessary to bring Mexico to make a tion. We cannot but flatter ourselves that peace with us on terms like these, or on the President is now to be arrested in his terms equally moderate and just; but they mad career; that Congress, under the will support no war for the conquest and . lead of wise and patriotic counsels, will subjugation of the Mexican nation, or for now take its stand on those high duties the destruction, dismemberment or robimposed on it by the Constitution, and bery of the Mexican empire. D. D. B.

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MURMURING river, gently flowing

Onward to the parent sea,
Self-same beauty ever showing,

Singing self-same melody;

In the image of thy life,

Shines an emblem of our day ;
Thine with time a mortal strife,

Struggling down a rocky way.
Springing from the mountain clear,

Beams of purest light reflecting ;
Dashing on with heedless cheer,

Or in quiet pool collecting :

Thus, by fervid passion urged,

Springs the young soul into life ;
Or, by dreamier nature verged,

Images the shapes of life. 1843.


O LOVE! I would be always thine !

Not lingering or in chill decline,
Till snowy locks, and tears of rheum,

Declare me ripened for the tomb.

No! rather, let my sun descend

Through azure skies to instant night; As days in burning tropics end,

Unfelt the dull decay of light.

But while on life's bright shore I dwell,

Be mine the splendor and the glowBe mine, in golden song, to tell

Thine even balanced joy and woe.

The apparent, heaven-descended, power,

The vision, and the light divine,
Thou gavest me in my natal hour-

O be these gifts forever mine ! 1843.



" The spirit I have seen

flicting of death, themselves spring from a May be a devil; and the devil hath power worse death than he has power to inflict. To assume a pleasing shape, yea, and, perhaps, It is thus that Hamlet is distracted with Out of my weakness and my melancholy, (As he is very potent with such spirits,)

a purpose which he is at once too good a Abuses me, to damn me.”

son to dismiss, and too good a man to per

form. Under an injunction with which he Thus the hope that the ghost's tale may

knows not what to do, he casts about, be false, and the fear that it may be true,

now for excuses, now for censures, of his unite to send him in quest of other proofs. non-performance; and religion prevents The probability seems at once too strong him from doing what filial piety reproves to justify the abandonment, and too weak him for omitting. While he dare not abandon to justify the execution of the deed. The the design of killing the king, he is at the truth is, the ghost develops Hamlet, and

same time morally incapable of forming the development it works within him is any plan for doing it. He can only do it, at war with the injunction it lays upon and he does only attempt it, under a sudhim. Its supernatural revelations bring den frenzy of excitement, caused by some forth into clearer apprehension some moral immediate provocation ; not so much actideas which before were but dim presenti ing as being acted upon; as an instrument ments within him ; and its requisitions are

of Providence, rather than as a self-deterthwarted by the very truths which it


mining agent. gests and unfolds to him, and by the train

And this view of Hamlet is rather conof reflections which it sets a-going in his firmed than otherwise by the motives which mind. Under the disclosures made to him he assigns for sparing the king, when he from beyond the grave, his mind attains a finds him praying. That these motives, kind or degree of development not ordi- | too horrible even for a fiend to entertain, narily vouchsafed to our earthly being. It are not his real motives, is evident from is as if he were born into the other world their extravagance ; for if such motives before dying out of this. But the words would keep him from doing the deed then, from that other world must be confirmed by assuredly no motives could have kept him facts from this, before he can bring him from doing it before. These motives are self to trust in them; and therefore but the excuses wherewith he quiets his filial

feelings without violating his conscience. “ The play's the thing

He thus effects a compromise between his Wherein he'll catch the conscience of the king." religion and his affection, by adjourning a


which the one will not suffer him When, however, he has caught the king's 1 to execute, nor the other to abandon. conscience; when, by holding the mirror | The question, “ Is it not perfect conscience up to his soul, he has forced his occulted to quit him with this arm ?” which he guilt” to “unkennel itself;" along with afterwards puts to Horatio, while relating certainty of the crime, he gains food for the king's plot against his own life, proves still further reflection. The demonstration that he had not even then overcome his of his uncle's guilt arrests the very purpose moral repugnance to the deed. for which that demonstration was sought. Properly speaking, therefore, Hamlet His own conscience is but startled into a lacks not force of will, as

some have dread of the retribution he has disclosed argued, but only force of self-will ; that is, in the conscience of another. He has his will is strictly subjected to his reason sought grounds of punishment in the and conscience, and is of course powerless manifestations of remorse; and the very when it comes in conflict with them ; where proofs which, to his mind, justify the in- they impede not his volitions, he seems, as VOL. 1. NO. II. NEW SERIES.


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