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AMERICAN REVIEW:

A WIG JOURNAL,

DEVOTED TO

POLITICS AND LITERATURE.

"TO STAND BY THE CONSTITUTION."

NEW SERIES, VOL. I.-WHOLE VOL. VII.

NEW-YORK:

PUBLISHED AT 118 NASSAU STREET.

1848.

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NEXT to the interest which our friends felt in the beginning of this enterprise, must be their desire to have recorded, its successful establishment. The patrons of the American Review, who generously and patriotically aided its first struggles into life, may be desirous of knowing its present position and future intentions. A sad decree has forbidden the hand that should have made the record.

The experience of three years, with the counsel and advice of many able and judicious friends, had determined the Editor to begin a new Series of his Journal, upon a more liberal scale of expenditure, and with an infusion of greater vigor and attention in every department. The proper conduct of the whole was found to surpass the abilities of any one person, and a greater outlay became necessary to obtain the requisite aid. The price paid for valuable articles, though it already exceeded what the finances would bear, had to be increased, that none but good material might be used. The political department, especially, it was found, must be improved in quantity, and the standard of the best maintained.

To the accomplishment of these ends, it was necessary that the subscription list

should be increased.

VOL. I. NO. I. NEW SERIES.

1

Were it possible to explain the difficulties, delays, and losses, which attend the collection of the dues of such a journal, reducing the average value of its subscriptions by more than a third, the friends of the Review would find less difficulty in understanding why all the necessary improvements were not sooner made. They have been kept constantly in view, but are the work of much time, and of the joint labor and enthusiasm of many persons.

In the midst of these plans, and in the bloom and vigor of his youth, the generous spirit who strove to execute them, and thereby to deserve well of his country, was cut off by a severe and lingering illness; but as he was a man free in his confidences, and loving to make common cause with many, he left those behind him who had taken an equal interest in the work, and had advised and strenuously labored with him for its accomplishment: it was their part, therefore, to make this statement, both for the regard they bear his memory, and for the duty they owe to the friends and supporters of the enterprise.

It has always been borne in mind that a truly national journal must represent the spirit and principles of the Nation, in its best moods, and as they appear in the

wisdom of its earlier lawgivers. In every free nation, two great parties have arisen, tending towards opposite extremes. Differing in this particular from all ancient, and even from modern European nations, that we are not composed of an inferior, politically mingled, and sharing power with a superior race-a commonalty with an aristocracy-both parties, with us, profess to sustain liberty and the common right. In the spirit and heart of the nation there can be no division. The nation, as a body, extends freedom-political, social, and religious to all men equally; and out of this spring all our national and political peculiarities.

Yet it will happen, for the most part, that even in pursuit of a good, men are easily misled and deceived into radical extremes.

The friends and conductors of this journal incline not, therefore, hastily to despise and subvert the institutions of our fathers. They mean to abide by the Constitution. They believe that reforms should in all cases grow from, and be limited by, necessity; and that the State, like any natural organization, should gradually shape itself, by a healthy and spontaneous growth.

They believe that the designers and supporters of schemes of conquest, to be carried on by this government, are engaged in treason to our Constitution and Declaration of Rights, giving "aid and comfort" to the enemies of republicanism, in that they are advocating and preaching the doctrine of "the right of conquest." These traitors to all humanity, and to God, must be met and vanquished, or the principle which sustains us, as a nation, will be subverted.

In meeting and discussing new phases of opinion, they will favor with their whole heart and mind, all plans for the amelioration of society, and all such new ideas of social and physical science, as seem to have their foundation in nature and experience. Yet they can never forget that truth is old, and the principles of human nature, like the moral law, by no means a discovery of yesterday.

In questions of political economy, they

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will not suffer themselves to be led by the example of any other nation, into advocating measures suitable, perhaps, to that nation, but unsuitable and injurious to our own; believing that a judicious regard to the circumstances of a people, should govern its legislation.

In a choice of rulers and legislators, they mean to sustain such men as seem fitted to represent, not the will only, but the virtue and common sense of their constituents.

That the power of the Executive be restricted within its just limits, they will strenuously urge.

That the rights and power of the States be preserved inviolate, as the sole defence of the individual against Executive usurpation, they will also advocate; but no less, that individual States be not suffered to impair the high privileges of the citizen, in his relation to the nation as a whole.

That every means be employed to prevent the converting of offices into political agencies, for corrupting and subverting the popular will.

In brief, the conductors of this journal are Whigs, in principle and practice, and mean to use it, as far as in them lies, for the promotion of that cause.

As a vehicle of opinion to reach all classes of intelligent persons, it has been found necessary to regard the interests of general literature in the REVIEW, equally with those of politics-the two being necessary to each other.

In regard to sectional questions, a journal professing to be purely national must either avoid them, or discuss them in the light of general policy and morality: indifference to the decision of such questions would betray either an immoral, or an imbecile spirit.

Enough, perhaps, has been said on former occasions, of the importance of a truly national organ of opinion, whose purpose should be to promote union and singleness of principle in the Whig party. The sole desire of the conductors of this journal is, that it may in some measure satisfy the want that is felt for such an organ.

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