eration, Mr. Foster congratulated the country upon what it had accomplished in emerging from a chaos of scattered provinces; in solving the problem of immeasurable distances; in molding the ambitions of its widely differing creeds, races, and interests into a dominant sentiment of national unity; and in building magnificent channels of intercommunication. This had been done by pouring out treasure like water, by an expenditure beginning with $13,500,000 in 1867, reaching this year nearly $37,000,000, and averaging twenty-five and one third millions a year, or a total of $558,000,000, besides pledging its resources to the extent of $237,000,000. While maintaining that the money had been wisely expended, the Finance Minister repeated the opinion expressed in his last budget that after 1889 neither the public debt nor the expenditure for ordinary purposes should be increased.

In introducing numerous tariff changes, it was pointed out that many of them were made simply for the purpose of making the tariff more intelligible to business men. Among the articles practically affected by the changes are the following: Fancy boxes and cases, and all the cognate fancy manufactures, raised from 30 to 35 per cent.; common colorless window glass, reduced from 30 to 20 per cent.; ornamental figured and colored window glass, reduced from 30 to 25 per cent.; stained-glass windows and silver plate glass, to remain at 30 per. cent., and beveled glass to pay 35 per cent.; gloves and mitts, raised from 30 to 35 per cent.; wall paper and hangings, reduced variously on qualities subject to specific duties, others to pay 35 per cent. ad valorem; dry plates for photographers, reduced from 15 cents to 9 cents, estimated to be equal to from 35 to 40 per cent. at present prices; stereotypes and stereotyped plates, formerly taxed by weight, to be taxed 2 cents a square inch; umbrellas, raised from 30 to 35 per cent; copper and brass wire, formerly on the free list, 15 per cent; covered wire, increased from 25 to 35 per cent.; woolens, raised from 74 cents a pound and 20 per cent. ad valorem, to 10 cents a pound and 20 per cent. ad valorem; on spirits and alcohol the rates remain the same, but are to be arranged upon the proof strength, so that liquors imported much above proof shall have no advantage over the liquors at or about proof; silks, sweats, and linings, formerly admitted free to be used in the manufacture of hats, having been used for other purposes, are removed from the free list, and as compensation to the hatters the duty on straw and woolen hats is increased 5 per cent.; ladies' hats remain unaltered; fur-felt hats, to pay $1.50 per dozen additional, but the ad valorem duty to be reduced from 25 to 20 per cent.; flour increased 25 cents a barrel, making 75 cents, supposed to be about equivalent to the duty on wheat at 15 cents a bushel; mess pork or heavy pork, raised from 1 cent to 1 cent a pound; salted and fresh meats, formerly paying 1 and 2 cents, to pay 3 cents a pound; prepared meats, raised from 2 cents to 3 cents; tried lard, raised from 2 cents to 3 cents: untried lard, from 14 cent to 2 cents; live cattle, hogs, and sheep, raised from 20 to 30 per cent.; on corn meal, kiln dried, a rebate of 90 per cent. on the original duties paid to be allowed to the persons milling; on molasses, the duty averaging about 15 per

cent., to be reduced about half. Dealing with the much-vexed question of certain fruits, plants, and shrubs, placed upon the free list in 1888, the minister announced that the duties would now be reimposed, with the exception that on blackberries, gooseberries, raspberries, and strawberries, the duty would be 3 cents instead of 4 cents; bananas, plantains, pineapples, pomegranates, guavas, mangoes, shaddocks, wild blueberries, and wild strawberries are made free; and beet, carrot, turnip, and mangel seeds for the use of farmers are placed on the free list.

In 1888 the Opposition had brought pressure to bear upon the Government, contending that under the Standing Offer clause of the Tariff act of 1879, whenever the United States admitted any of the fruits, plants, and shrubs enumerated free of duty Canada was bound to do the same. The Government's contention was that the clause was permissive, not mandatory, and moreover that it was never intended that the Dominion Government should take any action unless the United States Government should free the products mentioned as a whole. The Government, however, had yielded for the time being, and the result had been that a considerable amount of duty had been lost, and a great deal of damage done to a large and important interest in the country. He argued that the removal of the duties did not place the Canadian grower in a position of fair and equal competition with the Americans, because, for instance, there was State legislation in most of the bordering States, making it practically impossible for Canadian nurserymen to do business there; and also because, while the Canadian season is short, the United States has the advantage of a wide range of climate. The Finance Minister concluded by announcing that mining machinery, steel and iron for use in building, steel and iron ships, and seed for ensilage purposes had been placed on the free list.

Sir Richard Cartwright (Liberal) congratulated the Finance Minister upon being happy in his fool's paradise. Not for thirty-five years had there been in the annals of Canada, and notably of Ontario, a year in which there had not been in some portions of the country cases of such extreme distress and such well-founded apprehensions for the future. He criticised the Government for looking to the West Indies and South America for the development of Canadian commerce, and overlooking 5,000 miles of nearer territory, in order to reach countries south of the equator. Sir Richard instanced the Intercolonial Railway, with its year's deficit of $416,000, as one of the "princely equipments and royal endowments" referred to by the Finance Minister, and, in denial of the statement that the people of the United States are a unit in favor of protection, urged that President Cleveland, the champion of free trade, had a popular majority of over 100,000 in the last presidential election. He stigmatized the position of Canada with regard to the United States as most unsatisfactory. The reflection of the policy of the Dominion Government was to be seen in the MeKinley resolutions, and the reflection of the policy of the Opposition in the resolutions introduced by Mr. Hitt. He characterized the policy of the Government on the fishery question as a

succession of imbecile blunders, a policy of bluster and annoyance. He had no doubt that a plebiscitum would show the people of Canada overwhelmingly in favor of closer trade relations with the United States, and if it were possible to obtain a fair and honest expression from the people at the polls, free from the effects of gerrymander acts and franchise bills and a subsidized press and all the side issues which disturb a political election, the result would be the same. He claimed that the failure of the national policy was indicated by the slowness of the growth of the rural population. Taking Ontario as an illustration, he showed that during the seven years of Mr. Mackenzie's administration, the rural population increased by a little less than 11,000 souls, or, in other words, eight times more than it did during the Conservative administration of nine years. Of 83 rural constituencies in Ontario, the population in 50 had actually retrograded in those nine years; many of the others were stationary in population, and hardly one had maintained its natural increase. Sir Richard next took up the question of farm mortgages. Admitting that in newly settled countries an increase of indebted

ness is not always a proof that the country has retrograded, he argued that in old settled countries there could be no clearer proof that farming has become unprofitable, than that the farmers are increasing their indebtedness. Both the Dominion and the provincial governments having failed in their duty to investigate this important question, he himself had taken such means as were fairly open to him to ascertain what was the extent of the mortgage indebtedness of the Ontario farmers, and he submitted a statement showing that the total for Ontario was over $200,000,000, if it did not reach $300,000,000, the entire assessed value of the province being about $429,000,000. This indicated that a large population of the once prosperous farmers of Ontario had sunk below the level of tenants at will. Simultaneously with the increase in mortgages there had been an enormous depreciation in the value of farm lands. He admitted that the same state of things existed in the United States, or rather worse, because they had had the protective system longer there. He did not regard the mischievous policy of the Government as solely responsible for the disastrous consequences he deplored. Some of the causes were beyond their control, and his charge against the honorable gentlemen was rather that they falsely pretended to be able to avert those disasters than that they had caused them. One feature that they were directly responsible for was the outrageous taxation levied upon the people. In conclusion, Sir Richard moved, in amendment to the motion to go into committee of supply, to substitute the following:

The total ordinary expenditure of Canada chargeable to the consolidated fund in the fiscal year 1878

was $23,519,301.

That the total taxation collected in the same year was $17,841,938.

sum is annually taken out of the pockets of the people and is paid over to certain private individuals and corporations under pretense of protecting and encouraging certain special industries.

That in the decade terminating on the first day of July, 1889, the sum of $262,812,878 has been raised in the way of taxes actually paid into the treasury, independently of an immense additional amount extracted from the people for the aforesaid purposes. That the said taxation is enormous and oppressive in its incidence, and that it is so imposed as to diminish the value of lands used for agricultural purposes and to increase the indebtedness of the agricultural class in especial.

That in fact the values of farm lands have greatly diminished and the amount of mortgages thereon has been much increased throughout a very large portion of this Dominion since 1879.

That the additional taxation which it is now sought to impose will still further increase the burdens of distress unhappily existing among a large portion of the people and is likely still further to aggravate the the farming population of this Dominion; and that, under such circumstances, it is the boundeń duty of this House, instead of adding to the existing oppressive taxation, to apply itself to the reduction of the burdens now impeding the progress and prosperity of the principal producing classes of the Dominion, and for this purpose to abolish or reduce the taxes now imposed on articles of prime necessity to farmers, miners, fishermen, and other producers.

Hon. Mr. Colby challenged the Opposition to name any State in the Union in which farm values had maintained such steadiness as in Ontario. He quoted from the report of Mr. Blue, the Provincial Statistician, to show that during the seven years from 1882 to 1888 inclusive, the value of the Ontario farms averaged $637,732,000, while the value for 1888, the last year of the period, was $640,000,000. The value of farm buildings averaged $172,000,000 during the seven years, and was estimated at $188,000,000 in 1888. Farm implements averaged $46,000,000 during the seven years, and reached $49,000,000 in the last year. Live stock averaged $99,000,000 during the seven years, and was estimated at $102,000,000 in 1888. The total value of farm property averaged $956,882,048 during the seven years, and the last year's value was $981,368,094. The average value per acre of wheat in Ontario was $15.78, against $9.44 in the United States. Corn was worth $18.90 an acre in Ontario, against $9.32 in the United States. The value of barley per acre in Ontario was $14.98, against $12.67 in the United States. Mr. Colby contrasted the condition of Ontario with that of Vermont, New Hampshire, and Maine, which States were rapidly being depopulated by the natural movement of the people westward, necessitated by the new methods of agriculture. The movement would be the same among the farming classes under free trade or protection, with reciprocity or without reciprocity; but he claimed for the national policy that it had retained for Canada so much of her population as is engaged in the manufactures and associated industries which it has created.

After a long debate, Sir Richard Cartwright's

year 1889 was $36,917.834.

That the total taxation collected in the same year was $30,613,522.

That, over and above the amount of the taxes actually paid into the treasury, an immense additional

Banks and Banking. The expiring of the charters of the incorporated banks of Canada in 1891 necessitated the passing of a new banking act in the session of 1890. The Canadian system of banking under the old law, although not with

out serious defects, is admitted to have been upon the whole well suited to the needs of the country. Thirty-five or forty banks, with about four hundred and twenty branches scattered throughout the Dominion, had supplied the trading community with money at rates of interest remarkably uniform, irrespective of locality. While people in some of the Western States were paying 1 or 2 per cent. a month for money, people in the Canadian Northwest were borrowing at 6 or 7 per cent. per annum. The most noteworthy defects of the Canadian banking system, as contrasted with that of the United States, were in connection with the issue of bank notes. There being no Government guarantee of the currency issued by the Canadian banks, note holders have suffered severely in the cases where Canadian banks have become insolvent. For the same reason the notes of the smaller banks were not always accepted as freely as a national currency would be, and, what was probably the most serious drawback of all, notes issued in one part of the Dominion were subjected to discount in other parts. As a matter of fact, the losses of note holders, except in a few instances, were not heavy, because in case of a bank's insolvency the claims of the note holders formed a first lien upon the entire assets of the bank, and this class of creditors was further protected by the liability of the share holders to the extent of twice the amount of their share capital. The class who suffered most were poor people, the holders of small amounts in the notes of insolvent banks, who were not able to wait until the tedious process of liquidation would give them a hundred cents on the dollar for their notes. Brokers and speculators would buy these notes at very low prices, and obtain their par value from the banks in the course of a few months. There is a practical limit to the possibilities of bank-note issue independent of statutory provisions, and while the banks had the legal right to issue notes to the extent in the aggregate of about $60,000,000, the issue actually ranged from $30,000,000 to $36,000,000. Independent of this issue of chartered bank currency, there is a Dominion note circulation issued by the Government of Canada. One of the most important provisions of the new Banks and Banking act is the establishment of a guarantee redemption fund, by which the banks become practically mutual insurers of one another's circulation. With one or two exceptions, every bank is called upon to deposit with the Minister of Finance a sum equal to 25 per cent. of the average amount of its notes in circulation during the twelve months preceding the date of the act going into force. By July 15, 1892, this amount must be made up to 5 per cent. of the amount of note circulation for the twelve months then completed. The fund so formed is to be held for the sole purpose of meeting the notes of any bank that may become insolvent, and that may not be redeemed. In case the fund should become impaired by the payments to redeem the notes of an insolvent bank exceeding the amount of its deposit, the other banks will contribute pro rata to the amount already contributed by them, in order to make up the deficiency, no bank to be called upon to contribute more than 1 per cent., on the average, of its note circula

tion for the year. The banks are also required to make arrangements for the redemption of their circulation at par in any and every part of Canada, and to that end are all required to have agencies for that purpose in Halifax, St. John, Charlottetown, Montreal, Toronto, Winnipeg, and Victoria, and at any other places that may be designated by the Treasury Board. In future, no banks are to be incorporated with less than $500,000 capital, and every new bank, no matter what its capital, must, before holding its first meeting of share holders, deposit $250,000 with the Government, to be held during the organization of the bank. Directors must be subjects of Her Majesty, and the stock upon which they qualify must be fully paid up. The Dominion Government is to have a second lien upon all bank assets (after the note-holders' lien is satisfied), as security for its deposits, and the provincial governments a third lien for their deposits. No dividends are permitted to be paid that would impair the paid-up capital, and any impairment of the paid-up capital is to be made good by calls upon the share holders. No dividends or bonuses exceeding together 8 per cent. per annum, unless a bank has a reserve or rest equal to 30 per cent. of its paid-up capital, after allowing for bad and doubtful debts, and 40 per cent. of the reserve must be held in Dominion notes. Banks are permitted to issue notes of the value of five dollars and multiples of five dollars, to the amount of their unimpaired paid-up capital. They are prohibited from hypothecating their notes. All balances remaining unclaimed in banks after five years from the last transaction are to be paid to the Government, to be retained subject to the claims of the rightful owners.

Debate on the Dual-Language Question. -On Feb. 12 Mr. Dalton McCarthy, formerly a member of the Conservative party, now the leader of the Equal Rights party, moved the second reading of his bill to abolish the French language as an official language in the Northwest Territories. Mr. Davin moved in amendment:

That this bill be now read a second time, but that it be resolved that it is expedient that the Legislative Assembly of the Northwest Territories be authorized to deal with the subject of this bill by ordinance or enactment after the next general election for the said Territories.

In support of his amendment, Mr. Davin argued that it was a question to be settled by the local legislature, and that, although the French population were in a minority in the Northwest, it would be manifestly unfair to repeal the clause without giving them a hearing. He criticised the illogical stand Mr. McCarthy had taken regarding this question, and denied the proposition laid down by the latter gentleman, that "it is only by language and by the community of language that men are formed into nations." Mr. Davin accused Mr. McCarthy of inaugurating a crusade against the Roman Catholic Church rather than endeavoring to do away with the French language. Comparing the governments of Canada and Switzerland, Mr. Davin pointed out that in the latter country they had three official languages, notwithstanding which that country had continued to prosper during the past six centuries, and he maintained that there

was a close analogy between the two countries. In criticising Mr. McCarthy's statement that the French Canadian was hostile to England, Mr. Davin instanced the Province of Quebec with its preponderance of French element, and stoutly denied that there was any desire whatever on their part to sever from the English flag.

Mr. O'Brien (Equal-Rights_member) denied the statements made by Mr. Davin, and maintained that there was no analogy between Canada and Switzerland. In the former, he said, we had but one nationality, while in the latter country there were different races and different nations. Mr. O'Brien supported the bill chiefly on the grounds that it was the wish of the majority of the people in the Northwest to abolish the dual language, and argued that the maintenance of such would exercise a bad influence by enabling the minority to retard measures that would be beneficial to the Northwest. Mr. O'Brien denied that Mr. Davin represented the wishes of the people in the northwest, whom he was sent to represent. The question was one for the House to deal with, and should not be left to the local legislature.

Mr. White (Cardwell) complained that the speech of Mr. McCarthy from beginning to end had a tendency to offend the French Canadians, and was not at all addressed to the question at issue. He strongly supported the maintenance of the dual language as it had existed for nearly fifty years, and said that any interference with this would only tend to make the French Canadian more exclusive instead of assimilating with his fellow-citizens of British origin.

Mr. Denison (Equal Rights), the seconder of the bill, strongly advocated the abolition of the dual language, as French, he said, was very little spoken in the Northwest, and the attempt to maintain the dual language was in a great measure owing to the threats of Mr. Mercier, which he altogether ignored.

Mr. Mulock (Liberal) favored the maintenance of the dual language chiefly on the grounds of fair play to the French minority, and argued that it was a question solely for the local Legislature, who were in a position to obtain the most direct evidence on the question.

Mr. Curran strongly opposed the bill, which was calculated to create ill-feeling between the nationalities and tended to mar the prosperity of the country. He maintained that the question was not one of general interest, and should never have been introduced into the Dominion Parliament, but settled locally, if anything required to be settled. If this bill passed, it would certainly put a stop to French-Canadian immigration into the Northwest Territories, and encourage their

exodus to the United States.

Sir Hector Langevin opposed the bill on the grounds that it was not only uncalled for, but no petition had ever been sent by the people of the Northwest for interference in the matter. He criticised McCarthy's injustice in trying to force upon a portion of the people a language they could not speak. The French in the Northwest were there knowing they were subjects of the Queen; they were loyal, they spoke French only, and as long as they did not speak treason they had a right to have French recognized officially, Mr. Charlton (Liberal) supported the bill and

maintained the advisability of having but one official language. In support of this he instanced the rapid prosperity of the United States as compared with Canada or Switzerland.

Mr. Blake (Liberal) opposed the bill because it struck at the root of time-honored usuages, and urged the House to "declare its inviolable adherence to the covenants in respect to the use of the French language in Canada, and its determination to resist any attempt to impair those covenants."

Mr. Laurier (leader of the Opposition) denounced the bill as nothing more than a preliminary step to the further oppression of the French Canadians, and denied that it had been introduced with any idea that it would be likely to pass. He accused Mr. McCarthy of being guilty of purely personal motives in introducing the bill.

Sir John A. Macdonald condemned the bill as being out of place altogether. Mr. McCarthy, he said, should have attacked the French language in Quebec, where it was, and not in the Northwest, where it was not, if he meant anything by the measure.

Mr. Chapleau opposed the bill, as it would have a tendency to stop French emigration to the Northwest, and this, he said, should be encouraged by all means, as the French made good settlers, were suited to the country, and were peaceable and loyal, and their right to have the French tongue recognized as official should be accorded to them. The French, Mr. Chapleau argued, were the first settlers in the Northwest, and on this account also were entitled to consideration.

Sir Richard Cartwright (Liberal) demanded that the French Canadians of the Northwest be accorded the same privileges as those of Quebec, and condemned the bill as needlessly affronting and offensive to the French nationality.

Sir John Thompson moved an amendment to the amendment:

That this House, having regard to the long-continued use of the French language in old Canada, and to the covenants of that subject embodied in the British North America act, can not agree to the declaration contained in the said bill as the basis thereof, that it is expedient in the interests of the national unity of the Dominion that there should be community of language among the people of Canada.

That, on the contrary, this House declares its adherence to the said covenants, and its determination to resist any attempt to impair the same;

That, at the same time, this House deems it expedient and proper, and not inconsistent with these covenants, that the Legislative Assembly of the Northwest Territories should receive from the Parliament of Canada power to regulate, after the next general sembly and the manner of recording and publishing election of the Assembly, the proceedings of the Assuch proceedings.

The House divided on the amendment to the amendment: yeas, 149; nays, 50.

Offenses against Public Morals.—An act that was passed this session to amend the criminal law contains some noteworthy provisions in the interests of public morals. The age of consent " is raised to fourteen years. For a guardian to have illicit connection with his ward, or for any person to have illicit connection with any woman under twenty-one, of previously chaste character, and who by reason of her employment