believed as his father did; who afterwards erred, and then, after having fed swine, repents and says, "I have sinned, &c." ask of him to define the English constitution. To the prejudices of education, you will find superadded the advantages of experience; he will have journeyed into a far country, seen much, and brought back nothing but regret at his departure from home; he will illustrate it by reason, grasp it with affection, and be ready to shed his blood in its defence. If such a man can prove it to be without competition, in the equity of its principles, and the universal beneficence of its effects; would you not have compassion, run, fall on his neck, &c.?-There are, however, some men in this country who think dif ferently.

Every man attentive to the operations of his own understanding, must distinguish between that mental satisfaction which results from habit, and that which results from the combinations of reflection. I should listen with greater attention to a defence of the Christian religion, from a man who had renounced, and afterwards resumed it on conviction, than to

the

the most erudite divine; because, the workings of his mind, which led to that conviction, must carry with them unusual force and evidence. An instance of this kind, has fallen within my own observation. But I think the argument is tenfold stronger in politics, because we have visible demonstration every day before us, on which to form our judgment. This then, is the rock on which I have stationed myself for many years, and from which, I am not afraid to challenge discussion, The constitution of this empire, is not to be sought after in books, in forms, in outward vanities, or in imperishable compacts which are burnt twelve months after their enregistration; but in that happy dispo sition of human power and freedom, by which, the advantages of Government are reconciled with the only object of society, namely, THE PROTECTION OF PROPERTY; under which generical term, are implied, the personal security, the domestic union, the intellectual and progressive improvement of the people governed. This is my opinion of the English constitution, and the following pages will attest, that I

recog

recognize nothing under the assumed name of Liberty, which is not resolvable into this principle.

Was it therefore, irrational, that I should wish to fill up the complement of my own conviction, by repairing to the land of Liberty, Equality, and Philosophy, in order to see what treasures the Wise Men, who had come from the East, had brought to the most enlightened nation that ever existed, or will exist, upon the face of the earth? Had I no interest in making my prejudiced countrymen acquainted with that illustrious scheme of legislation which these sages brought from Grand Cairo? And should I not have degraded my dignity as a travelling philosopher, if I had not marked down for their benefit, the illuminated habits of a regenerated people?

Fortunately, I stood in no need of many Letters of introduction to that class of society, whose acquaintance was indispensably necessary to the resolution of my inquiries. On my arrival at Paris, I found that most of those whom I had known years ago, filled the highest situations in the state, and it is but justice to declare,

they

they received me with the greatest politeness and cordiality. The only part which I had to act, was that of a diligent and impartial observer. This circumstance is no otherwise important than, as far as it shews, that I had free access to men of experience, and not unfrequently to public documents. I had seen France, clothed in many different garbs, royal, constitutional, and democratic; I wished to see her in her consular dress, and to ascertain, by ocular demonstration, what were her views, her wishes, and her hopes; whether the state of her mind displayed contentment and happiness, or whether, fatigued by great exertions, she exertions, she were merely taking breath. The zeal and anxiety with which I pursued these researches, can be conceived only by persons who are incessantly occupied in some favourite pursuit; and as to my qualifications for forming any judgment on political subjects, I prefer no other claim before the public, than that experience which the most ordinary capacity must have acquired, during fifteen years of habitual observation, and often of active engagement,

ment, in some of the most busy and tempestuous scenes, that ever employed the attention of mankind.

In the discharge of what I conceive to be a duty to my country, I have abstained from compromising those to whose attentions and intelligence, the public and myself are indebted for many important facts. Had it been possible for me to have narrated all that I had learnt, without endangering their personal safety, these volumes would have exhibited the blackest and most dismal record of human cruelty, ambition, and perfidy, that ever was submitted to the world. Where I have mentioned names, and occasionally with asperity, let it be recollected that the objects of my censures, have merited them, from their voluntary exposure of themselves to public animadversion. There is not a line in these volumes that will cause one pang, in the breast of an honest soul. But public murderers, thieves, and prostitutes, legislative coxcombs, and political coquettes, in whatever shape they appear, are open to the lash of criticism, and I trust I have done them justice.

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The