permanent ingredient in the population. This is a problem not yet settled, but we are in the right line to do so. Slavery raised its head against the Government, and the Government raised its strong arm and struck it to the ground. So that part of the problem is settled; the institution of slavery is overthrown. But another part remains to be solved, and that is: Can four millions of people, raised as they have been with all the prejudices of the whites, can they take their places in the community and be made to work harmoniously and congruously in our system? This is a problem to be considered. Are the digestive powers of the American Government sufficient to receive this element in a new shape, and digest it, and make it work healthfully upon the system that has incorporated it? This is the question to be determined. Let us make the experiment, and make it in good faith. If that cannot be done, there is another problem before us. If we have to become a separate and distinct people (although I trust that the system can be made to work harmoniously, and that the great problem will be settled without going any further); if it should be so that the two races cannot agree and live in peace and prosperity, and the laws of Providence require that they should be separated, in that event, looking to the far-distant future, and trusting that it may never come; if it should come, Providence, that works mysteriously, but unerringly and certainly, will point out the way and the mode and the manner by which these people are to be separated, and they are to be taken to their lands of inheritance and promise-for such a one is before them. Hence we are making the experiment. Hence, let me impress upon you the importance of controlling your passions, developing your intellect and of applying your physical powers to the industrial interests of the country; and that is the true process by which this question can be settled. Be patient, persevering and forbearing, and you will help to solve the problem. Make for yourselves a reputation in this cause, as you have won for yourselves a reputation in the cause in which you have been engaged. In speaking to the members of this regiment I want them to understand that, so far as I am concerned, I do not assume or pretend that I am stronger than the laws, of course, of nature, or that I am wiser than Providence itself. It is our duty to try and discover what those great laws are which are at the foundation of all things; and, having discovered what they are, conform our actions and our conduct to them and to the will of God, who ruleth all things. He holds the destinies of nations in the palm of His hand, and He will solve the question and rescue these people from the difficulties that have so long surrounded them.

Then let us be patient, industrious, and persevering. Let us develop any intellectual and moral worth. I trust what I have said may be understood and appreciated. Go to your homes and lead peaceful, prosperous, and happy lives, in peace with all men. Give utterance to no word that would cause dissensions, but do that which will be creditable to yourselves and to your country. To the officers who have led and so nobly commanded you in the field, I also return my thanks for the compliment you have conferred upon me.

The troops then returned to Campbell Hospital, where they partook of the abundant hospitalities of their colored fellow citizens.

THE PRESIDENT PAROLES ALEXANDER H. STEPHENS AND OTHERS.

ORDER.

WASHINGTON, Wednesday, Oct. 11, 1865.

Whereas, The following-named persons, to wit: John A. Campbell, of Alabama, John H. Reagan, of Texas, Alexander H. Stephens, of Georgia, George A. Trenholm, of South Carolina, and Charles Clark, of Mississippi, lately engaged in rebellion against the United States Government, who are now in close custody, have made their submission to the authority of the United States and applied to the President for pardon under his proclamation; and

Whereas, The authority of the Federal Government is sufficiently restored in the aforesaid States to admit of the enlargement of said persons from close custody, it is ordered that they be released on giving their respective paroles to appear at such time and place as the President may designate, to answer any charge that he may direct to be preferred against them; and also that they will respectively abide, until further orders, in the places herein designated, and not depart therefrom: John A. Campbell, in the State of Alabama; John H. Reagan, in the State of Texas; Alexander H. Stephens, in the State of Georgia; George A. Trenholm, in the State of South Carolina, and Charles Clark in the State of Mississippi. And if the President should grant his pardon to any of said persons, such per son's parole will thereby be discharged.

ANDREW JOHNSON, President.

PROCLAMATION RESCINDING MARTIAL LAW IN

KENTUCKY.

WASHINGTON, Thursday, October 12, 1865.

Whereas, By a proclamation of the 5th day of July, 1864, the Presi

dent of the United States, when the civil war was flagrant, and when combinations were in progress in Kentucky for the purpose of inciting insurgent raids into that State, directed that the proclamation suspending the privilege of the writ of habeas corpus should be made effectual in Kentucky, and that martial law should be established there and continue until said proclamation should be revoked or modified; and whereas, since then, the danger from insurgent raids into Kentucky has substantially passed away; now, therefore, be it known that I, Andrew Johnson, President of the United States, by virtue of the authority vested in me by the Constitution, do hereby declare that the said proclamation of the fifth day of July, one thousand eight hundred and sixty-four, shall be and is hereby modified in so far that martial law shall be no longer in force in Kentucky from and after the date hereof.

In testimony whereof I have hereunto set my hand and caused the seal of the United States to be affixed.

Done at the City of Washington this 12th day of October, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and sixty-five, and of the independence of the United States of America the ninetieth.

[L. 8.]

By the President:

ANDREW JOHNSON.

W. HUNTER, Acting Secretary of State.

INTERESTING INTERVIEW OF SOUTH CAROLINA DELEGATION WITH THE PRESIDENT-IMPORTANT VIEWS.

On the afternoon of October 13th, Judge Wardlow, Alfred Huger, Colonel Dawkins and W. H. Trescott of South Carolina, had an interview with President Johnson:

The PRESIDENT, after the customary preliminaries of reception, invited them to be seated, when at once the conversation commenced by Judge Wardlow informing him that they were a delegation from the State Convention of South Carolina, sent there to present certain memorials of that body. These memorials had been very carefully considered in the Convention, and he believed they told exactly the truth. The President inquired the object of the memorials. Judge Wardlow informed him that one of them was in behalf of Jefferson Davis, A. H. Stephens, George A. Trenholm and Goveruor Magrath. He said they had understood that by the late interference of the President, Messrs. Stephens and Trenholm had already been released

from close confinement and permitted to return to their homes. He would ask for Governor Magrath either a pardon or that he might be released on his parole. They could assure the President no harm world result from such an act of clemency.

The PRESIDENT replied that all could not be pardoned at once. The business must be proceeded with gradually, and an effort made to execute the law. A discrimination was necessary as we went along. It was a too common expression, by way of argument in regard to clemency, that such a one had been pardoned, and that he was just as bad as another who had not been pardoned.

Judge WARDLOw replied that the delegation presented no such argument as that.

The PRESIDENT said sometimes the peculiar locality had much to do with pardons. Like many other things in human affairs we cannot have a fixed rule. Much depends on discretion and circumstances. If we know ourselves, we want to do what is best and just, and to show a proper degree of humanity on the part of the Government.

Judge WARDLow remarked that they had not come there to express their own hopes and desires, but as delegates from the South Carolina Convention to present the memorials of that body in a formal manner.

The PRESIDENT: We will, gentlemen, extend all the facilities and courtesies which the question requires. We would prefer to pardon twenty men than to refuse one.

Judge WARDLOw replied, that they did not design to say anything with reference to Governor Magrath, further than that they believed much good would result by the exercise of the Executive clemency toward him.

Colonel HAWKINS said if they could get Governor Magrath paroled it would be a great relief to him at the present time.

Judge WARDLOw thanked the President for having released Messrs. Stephens and Trenholm.

The PRESIDENT: We have thus far, then, anticipated your memorial.

Mr. HUGER said Mr. Trenholm was one of their most useful men, and there was no doubt he would exert all his power with a view to entire harmony between the State and the Government.

The PRESIDENT replied that he understood that was so; adding, if treason was committed, there ought to be some test to determine the power of the Goverment to punish the crime. He was free to say that it was not a mere contest between political parties, or a question

as to de facto governments. Looking at the Government as we do, the laws violated, and an attempt made at the life of the nation, there should be a vindication of the Government and the Constitution, even if the pardoning power were exercised thereafter. If treason has been committed, it ought to be determined by the highest tribunal, and the fact declared, even if clemency should come afterward. There was no malice or prejudice in carrying out that duty. Judge WARDLOW remarked they were well aware of that.

The PRESIDENT resuming, said there might be some unkind feeling on this subject, but it did not exist to any great extent.

Judge WARDLOw said, although not instructed by the Convention, he was induced to ask whether Mrs. Jefferson Davis, who was now confined to Georgia, could not cross into South Carolina to see her friends.

The PRESIDENT replied that he had received letters from Mrs. Davis, but they were not very commendable. The tone of one of them, however, was considerably improved, but the others were not of the character beseeming one asking leniency.

Judge WARDLOw interposed by saying she was a woman of strong feeling.

The PRESIDENT: Yes; I suppose she is a woman of strong feeling and temper, but there is no intention to persecute her. There is as much magnanimity and independence, and nobleness of spirit, in submitting, as in trying to set the Government at defiance. True magnanimity takes things as they are, and when taken in the proper way I disconnect them from humiliation. Manifestations of temper and defiance do no good.

Judge WARDLow remarked that the tone of the newspapers was more favorable, and different from what it was. He then asked if the President had seen a copy of the amended Constitution of South Carolina. Of course he had seen they accepted emancipation. He felt perfectly satisfied that the person and property of the negro would be protected, and spoke of the great difficulties of regulating labor and restraining vagrancy, etc.

Mr. HUGER remarked that they had a deep consciousness of the truth of all the President said.

The PRESIDENT, resuming, observed that the character of an individual may characterize a nation, which is nothing but an aggregate of individuals; and when a proper spirit is manifested, all can act harmoniously. The man who goes to the stake is almost dignified by his bearing: it lifts him above humiliation. In these cases, gentlemen, we will do the best we can. While there is sympathy, there