is a public judgment which must be met. But, I assure you, gentlemen, no disposition exists for persecution, or thirst for blood. The PRESIDENT thought many of the evils would disappear if they inaugurated the right system. Pass laws protecting the colored man in his person and property, and he can collect his debts. He knew how it was in the South. The question when first presented of putting a colored man in the witness stand, made them shrug their shoulders. But the colored man's testimony was to be taken for what it is worth by those who examined him, and the jury who hear it. After all, there was not so much danger as was supposed. Those coming out of slavery cannot do without work; they cannot lie down in dissipation; they must work; they ought to understand that liberty means simply the right to work and enjoy the products of labor, and that the laws protect them. That being done, and when we come to the period to feel that men must work or starve, the country will be prepared to receive a system applicable to both white and black-prepared to receive a system necessary to the case. A short time back you could not enforce the vagrant law on the black, but could on the white man. But get the public mind right and you can treat both alike. Let us get the general principles, and the details and collaterals will follow. A conversation of some length ensued between the President and Judge Wardlow and Mr. Trescott as to the legislation of the State necessary in reference to the condition of the Freedmen, and to the scope and consequences of the Circular No. 15 and General Orders No. 145, from the Adjutant-General's Department, relative to abandoned lands in South Carolina and other Southern States. The examination of these objects, it is understood, is to be continued at another interview. The PRESIDENT said: We must be practical, and come up to surrounding circumstances. Judge Wardlow, Colonel Hawkins and Mr. Huger, all expressed to the President their conviction that the State had accepted in good faith the result of the issue which had been made; that the people felt that the President had stood between them and a harsh use of the power of the Government; that they felt entire confidence in his purposes and actions, and hoped, in return, to entitle themselves to his confidence as to their feelings and actions. The PRESIDENT replied, he was glad to hear it; that whenever such mutual confidence existed, there would, he thought, be an open road to the restoration of good feeling and a prosperous condition; and that if he knew himself, and he thought he did, he would rec ommend nothing but what would advance their interests. So far from pandering or looking to future elevation, he must be believed, when he said he had not an eye single to such preferment. If, he continued, I could be instrumental in restoring the Government to its former relation, and see the people once more united and happy, I should feel that I had more than filled the measure of my ambition. If I could feel that I had contributed to this in any degree, my heart would be more than gratified, and my ambition full. Judge WARDLOW: Every man in South Carolina would respond to that. Mr. HUGER: I am sure there is on their part no Punic faith. They deserve your confidence, and I am sure they will earn it. The PRESIDENT expressed himself gratified with what had been said by these gentlemen. Mr. DAWKINS remarked that all South Carolina reposed confidence in the President, and that the memorials presented by the Chairman of the delegation represented the true sentiments of the people of that State, both in regard to those whom they wished pardoned and the feeling and position of South Carolina. THE PRESIDENT TO SOUTH CAROLINA CONVENTION. South Carolina papers contain the following dispatch, dated 29th September: "GOVERNOR B. F. PERRY: I thank you for your dispatch of the 28th instant. I have to congratulate your Convention upon its harmonious and successful amendments to the constitution. It affords great satisfaction here to all who favor a speedy restoration of all the States in the Union. Let this work go on, and we will soon be once more united, a prosperous and happy people, forgetting the past, looking with confidence to a prosperous and harmonious future. "ANDREW JOHNSON, President United States." THE PRESIDENT ON THE RESTORATION OF THE SOUTH- it does not add anything to, tends very explicitly to illustrate, the President's views on the restoration of the lately insurgent States and the status of the negro. I therefore give it as follows: WASHINGTON, D. C., Oct. 3, 114 A. M. I have just returned from an interview with President Johnson, in which he talked for an hour on the process of reconstruction of rebel States. His manner was as cordial, and his conversation as free, as in 1863, when I met him daily in Nashville. His countenance is healthy-even more so than when I first knew him. I remarked that the people of the North were anxious that the process of reconstruction should be thorough, and they wished to support him in the arduous work; but their ideas were confused by the conflicting reports constantly circulated, and especially by the present position of the democratic party. It is industriously circnlated in the democratic clubs that he was going over to them. He laughingly replied: "Major, have you never known a man who for many years had differed from your views because you were in advance of him, claim them as his own when he came up to your standpoint ?" I replied: "I have often." He said: “So have I," and went on : "The democratic party finds its old position untenable, and is coming to ours. If it has come up to our position I am glad of it. You and I need no preparation for this conversation; we can talk freely on this subject, for the thoughts are familiar to us; we can be perfectly frank with each other." He then commenced with saying that the States are in the Union, which is whole and indivisible. Individuals tried to carry them out but did not succeed, as a man may try to cut his throat and be prevented by the bystanders, and you cannot say he cut his throat because he tried to do it. Individuals may commit treason and be punished, and a large number of individuals may constitute a rebellion and be punished as traitors. Some States tried to get out of the Union and we opposed it, honestly, because we believed it to be wrong; and we have succeeded in putting down the rebellion. The power of those persons who made the attempt has been crushed, and now we want to reconstruct the State governments, and have the power to do it. The State institutions are prostrated, laid out on the ground, and they must be taken up and adapted to the progress of events; this cannot be done in a moment. We are making very rapid progressso rapid I sometimes cannot realize it; it appears like a dream. We must not be in too much of a hurry. It is better to let them reconstruct themselves than to force them to it; for if they go wrong, the power is in our hands and we can check them at any stage, to the end, and oblige them to correct their errors. We must be patient with them. I did not expect to keep out all who were excluded from the amnesty, or even a large number of them; but I intended they should sue for pardon, and so realize the enormity of the crime they had committed. You could not have broached the subject of equal suffrage, at the North, seven years ago; and we must remember that the changes at the South have been more rapid, and that they have been obliged to accept more unpalatable truth than the North has. We must give them time to digest a part; for we cannot expect such large affairs will be comprehended and digested at once. We must give them time to understand their new position. I have nothing to conceal in these matters, and have no desire or willingness to take indirect courses to obtain what we want. Our Government is a grand and lofty structure; in searching for its foundation we find it rests on the broad basis of popular rights. The elective franchise is not a natural right, but a political right. I am opposed to giving the States too much power, and also to a great consolidation of power in the central government. If I interfered with the vote in the rebel States, to dictate that the negro shall vote, I might do the same thing for my own purposes in Pennsylvania. Our only safety lies in allowing each State to control the right of voting by its own laws, and we have the power to control the rebel States if they go wrong. If they rebel we have the army, and can control them by it, and, if necessary, by legislation also. If the general government controls the right to vote in the States, it may establish such rules as will restrict the vote to a small number of persons, and thus create a central despotism. My position here is different from what it would be if I was in Tennessee. There I should try to introduce negro suffrage gradually; first, those who had served in the army; those who could read and write, and perhaps a property qualification for others, say $200 or $250. It will not do to let the negroes have universal suffrage now, it would breed a war of races. There was a time in the Southern States when the slaves of large owners looked down upon non-slave owners because they did not own slaves; the larger the number of slaves their masters owned the prouder they were, and this has produced hostility between the mass of the whites and the negroes. The outrages are mostly from non-slaveholding whites against the negro, and from the negro upon the non-slaveholding whites. The negro will vote with the late master whom he does not hate, rather than with the non-slaveholding white, whom he does hate. Universal suffrage would create another war, not against us, but a war of races. Another thing. This Government is the freest and best on the earth, and I feel sure is destined to last; but to secure this we must elevate and purify the ballot. I for many years contended at the South that slavery was a political weakness, but others said it was political strength; they thought we gained three-fifths representation by it; I contended that we lost two-fifths. If we had no slaves we should have, had twelve representatives more, according to the then ratio of representation. Congress apportions representation by States, not districts, and the State apportions by districts. Many years ago, I moved in the Legislature that the apportionment of representatives to Congress in Tennessee, should be by qualified voters. The apportionment is now fixed until 1872; before that time we might change the basis of representation from population to qualified voters, North as well as South, and in due course of time, the States, without regard to color, might extend the elective franchise to all who possessed certain mental, moral, or such other qualifications, as might be determined by an enlightened public judgment. The above having been submitted to the President, received the following endorsement: "I have read the within communication and find it substantially correct. I have made some verbal alterations. "ANDREW JOHNSON." THE PRESIDENT ON THE REBEL WAR DEBT. Governor W. W. Holden communicated the following important dispatch from the President to the Restoration Convention sitting at Raleigh, October 18: “WASHINGTON CITY, Oct. 18, 1865. "W. W. HOLDEN, Provisional Governor : แ 'Every dollar of the State debt created to aid the rebellion against the United States should be repudiated, finally and forever. The great mass of the people should not be taxed to pay a debt to aid in carrying on a rebellion which they, in fact, if left to themselves, |