East, and I say it is our duty to do all that in our power lies to perpetuate and make stronger the bonds of our Union, seeing that it is for the common good of all that we should be united. I feel that this Union, though but the creation of a century, is to be perpetuated for all time, and that it cannot be destroyed, except by the all-wise God who created it. Gentlemen, I repeat, I sincerely thank you for the respect manifested on this occasion; and for the expressions of approbation and confidence please to accept my sincere thanks. Mr. MCFARLAND replied:

Mr. President-On behalf of this delegation, I return you my sincere thanks for your kind, generous, aye, magnanimous expressions of kindly feeling to the people of the South.

The visitors then retired.

Among the numerous demonstrations of approval the President's course has drawn forth, a mass meeting in Richmond inviting the President and Cabinet to visit that city, was not the least remarkable. Mr. Charles Palmer, one of the Committee appointed to carry out the intention of the meeting, has published a report of the mission from which, as bearing on the subject under illustration, we quote an extract:

"The President spoke with much feeling in relation to the unhappy situation of Richmond and the condition of the South generally, which I think he will help as much as circumstances will allow. Take him all in all, I do not believe any proud monarch of Europe, whose race of kings by divine right has flourished a thousand years of time, has a clearer conception of his duties and knows better how to temper justice with mercy than Andrew Johnson, of Tennessee. From my interview with the President I drew the most cheering auguries; it impressed me with the conviction that the South will find in him a friend and protector, if she will come up to his requirements cheerfully, and accept with true hearts the terms of reconstruction offered. With one voice and one heart we will greet his coming to this old Commonwealth with joyous welcome."

The unfolding of President Johnson's restoration policy, in his proclamations and replies to the Southern delegations

who have waited upon him, attracted, as might be expected, the almost undivided attention of the country. It forms the staple comment in the public journals, and of conversation in private circles. By both he is almost universally sus tained. In his knowledge of the South on the one hand, and the daring and brilliant record of his patriotism on the other, as well as on his expressed doctrine of non-interference with the constitutional rights and duties of the States engaged in reassuming their loyal status in the Republic, the great mass of the people find a solid basis on which to lay the foundation of future prosperity and glory. Facing the great work to which Providence has assigned him, he relies not upon the passions, prejudices and partisan feelings which to some extent may be pardonable in minds not purified by the great responsibilities which encircle him. Rising with the grandeur of the occasion, he desires to meet and guide it in the spirit of a true representative agent of a great People. The tolerated curse of slavery having been totally lifted from the soil, he desires, in a just democratic republican spirit to see the free Southern States, with cleansed constitutions, manage their internal affairs as the free Northern States do.

All the seceding States are provided with civil Executives either elected or provisionally appointed; and that portion of our country lately reeling in the maelstrom of insurrection and civil war is now undergoing the wise influences of the American system; preparing to enter upon a new and brighter path-to achieve a wider and grander destiny; and to contribute to the prosperity, the honor and glory of a mighty and a Free Republic.

APPENDIX.

SPEECH IN REPLY TO SENATOR LANE, OF OREGON; delivered in the Senate of the United States, March 2, 1861.

The Senate having under consideration the report of the Peace Conference, and Mr. Lane, of Oregon, having concluded his speechMr. JOHNSON, of Tennessee, said:

Mr. PRESIDENT,—It is painful to me to be compelled to occupy any of the time of the Senate upon the subject that has just been discussed by the Senator from Oregon. Had it not been for the extraordinary speech he has made, and the singular course he has taken, I should refrain from saying one word at this late hour of the day and of the session. But, sir, it must be apparent, not only to the Senate, but to the whole country, that, either by accident or by design, there has been an arrangement that any one who appeared in this Senate to vindicate the Union of these States should be attacked. Why is it that no one in the Senate or out of it, who is in favor of the Union of these States, has made an attack upon me? Why has it been left to those who have taken both open and secret ground in violation of the Constitution, for the disruption of the Government? Why has there been a concerted attack upon me from the beginning of this discussion to the present moment, not even confined to the ordinary courtesies of debate and of senatorial decorum? It is a question which lifts itself above personalities. I care not from what direction the Senator comes who indulges in personalities towards me; in that, I feel that I am above him, and that he is my inferior. [Applause in the galleries.]

The PRESIDING OFFICER (Mr. Polk in the chair) rapped with his mallet, and then said: The Chair will announce that if that disturbance is repeated in the galleries, they must be cleared. That is the

order of the Senate for the purpose of conducting properly the deliberations of the Senate.

Mr. DOOLITTLE: I hope the Chair will enforce the order, and not threaten to do so. When applause is given on the expression of Union sentiments, in which I fully concur, I desire that the order shall be enforced, and there can then be no exception taken if we enforce the rules when applause may be given for any other sentiments uttered on this floor.

Mr. JOHNSON, of Tennessee: Mr. President, I was alluding to the use of personalities. They are not arguments; they are the resort of men whose minds are low and coarse. It is very easy to talk about "cowards;" to draw autobiographical sketches; to recount the remarkable, the wonderful events and circumstances and exploits that we have performed. I have presented facts and authorities; and upon them I have argued; from them I have drawn conclusions; and why have they not been met? Why have they not been answered? Why abandon the great issues before the country, and go into personalities? In this discussion I shall act upon the principle laid down in Cowper's conversation, where he says:

"A moral, sensible, and well-bred man

Will not affront me; and no other can,"

But there are men who talk about cowardice, cowards, courage, and all that kind of thing; and in this connection, I will say, once for all, not boastingly, with no anger in my bosom, that these two eyes never looked upon any being in the shape of mortal man that this heart of mine feared.

Sir, have we reached a point of time at which we dare not speak of treason? Our forefathers talked about it; they spoke of it in the Constitution of the country; they have defined what treason is. Is it an offense, is it a crime, is it an insult to recite the Constitution that was made by Washington and his compatriots? What does the Constitution define treason to be?

"Treason against the United States shall consist only in levying war against them, or in adhering to their enemies, giving them aid and comfort."

There it is defined clearly that treason shall consist only in levying war against the United States, and adhering to and giving aid and comfort to their enemies. Who is it that has been engaged in conspiracies? Who is it that has been engaged in making war upon the United States? Who is it that has fired upon our flag? Who is it that has given instructions to take your arsenals, to take your forts,

to take your dock-yards, to seize your custom-houses, and rob your treasuries? Who is it that has been engaged in secret conclaves, and issuing orders for the seizure of public property in violation of the Constitution they were sworn to support? In the language of the Constitution of the United States, are not those who have been engaged in this nefarious work guilty of treason? I will now present a fair issue, and hope it will be fairly met. Show me who has been engaged in these conspiracies; show me who has been sitting in these nightly and secret conclaves plotting the overthrow of the Government; show me who has fired upon our flag, has given instructions to take our forts and our custom-houses, our arsenals and our dock-yards, and I will show you a traitor! [Applause in the galleries.]

The PRESIDING OFFICER (Mr. Polk in the chair): The Sergeantat-Arms will clear the galleries on the right of the Chair immediately. Mr. JOHNSON, of Tennessee: That is a fair proposition

The PRESIDING OFFICER: The Senator from Tennessee will pause until the order of the Chair is executed.

[Here a long debate ensued upon questions of order and the propriety of clearing the galleries.]

Mr. JOHNSON, of Tennessee: I hope the execution of the order will be suspended, and I will go security for the gallery that they will not applaud any more. I should have been nearly through my remarks by this time but for this interruption.

The PRESIDING OFFICER here announced that the order for clearing the galleries would be suspended.

Mr. JOHNSON, of Tennessee: Mr. President, when I was interrupted by a motion to clear the galleries, I was making a general allusion to treason as defined in the Constitution of the United States, and to those who were traitors and guilty of treason within the scope and meaning of the law and the Constitution. My proposition was, that if they would show me who were guilty of the offenses I have enumerated, I would show them who were the traitors. That being done, were I the President of the United States, I would do as Thomas Jefferson did in 1806 with Aaron Burr, who was charged with treason I would have them arrested and tried for treason, and, if convicted, by the Eternal God they should suffer the penalty of the law at the hands of the executioner. Sir, treason must be punished. Its enormity and the extent and depth of the offense must be made known. The time is not distant, if this Government is preserved, its Constitution obeyed, and its laws executed in every department, when something of this kind must be done.

The Senator from Oregon, in his remarks, said that a mind that it