tion. For myself I mean to stand by the Government till the flag of the Union shall wave over every city, town, hill-top and crossroad in its full power and majesty.

"The nations of Europe are anxious for our overthrow. France takes advantage of our internal difficulties and sends Maximilian off to Mexico to set up a monarchy on our Borders. The day of reckoning is approaching. The time is not far distant when the Rebellion will be put down, and then we will attend to this Mexican affair and say to Louis Napoleon, You can get up no monarchy on this continent.' [Great applause.] An expedition into Mexico would be a sort of recreation to the brave soldiers who are now fighting the battles of the Union, and the French concern would quickly be wiped out. Let us be united. I know that there are but two parties now, one for the country and the other against it, and I am for my country.

"I am a democrat in the strict meaning of the term. I am for this Government because it is democratic-a Government of the people. I am for putting down this Rebellion because it is war against democracy. He who stands off stirring up discontent in this State and higgling about negroes, is practically in the rebel camp and encourages treason. He who in Indiana or Ohio makes war upon the Government out of regard for slavery is just as bad. The salvation of the country is now the only business which concerns the patriot.

"In conclusion, let us give our thanks, not formal but heartfelt thanks, to these gallant officers and soldiers who have come to our rescue and delivered us from the Rebellion. And though money be expended, though life be lost, though farms and cities be desolated, let the war for the Union go on, and the Stars and Stripes be bathed, if need be, in a nation's blood, till law be restored, and freedom firmly established."

Governor Johnson retired amid loud and continued cheering, and the large crowd dispersed to their homes.

Governor Johnson's official acceptance of the nomination is as follows:

NASHVILLE, TENN., July 2, 1864. Hon. WILLIAM DENNISON, Chairman, and others, Committee of the National Union Convention:

GENTLEMEN,-Your communication of the 9th ult., informing me of my nomination for the Vice-Presidency of the United States, by the National Convention held at Baltimore, and enclosing a copy of

the resolutions adopted by that body, was not received until the 25th ult.

A reply on my part had been previously made to the action of the Convention in presenting my name, in a speech delivered in this city on the evening succeeding the day of the adjournment of the Convention, in which I indicated my acceptance of the distinguished honor conferred by that body, and defined the grounds upon which that acceptance was based, substantially saying what I now have to say. From the comments made upon that speech by the various presses of the country to which my attention has been directed, I considered it to be regarded as a full acceptance.

In view, however, of the desire expressed in your communication, I will more fully allude to a few points that have been heretofore presented.

My opinions on the leading questions at present agitating and distracting the public mind and especially in reference to the rebellion now being waged against the Government and authority of the United States, I presume, are generally understood. Before the Southern people assumed a belligerent attitude (and repeatedly since), I took occasion most frankly to declare the views I then entertained in relation to the wicked purposes of the Southern politicians. They have since undergone but little, if any, change. Time and subsequent events have rather confirmed than diminished my confidence in their correctness.

At the beginning of this great struggle, I entertained the same opinion of it I do now, and in my place in the Senate, I denounced it as treason, worthy of the punishment of death, and warned the Government and people of the impending danger. But my voice was not heard or council heeded until it was too late to avert the storm. It still continued to gather over us without molestation from the authorities at Washington, until at length it broke with all its fury upon the country. And now, if we would save the Government from being overwhelmed by it, we must meet it in the true spirit of patriotism, and bring the traitors to the punishment due their crime, and by force of arms, crush out and subdue the last vestige of rebel authority in every State. I felt then as now, that the destruction of the Government was deliberately determined upon by wicked and designing conspirators, whose lives and fortunes were pledged to carry it out, and that no compromise, short of an unconditional recognition of the independence of the Southern States, could have been, or could now be proposed, which they would accept. The clamor for "Southern rights," as the rebel journals were pleased to designate their rallying cry, was not to

secure their assumed rights in the Union and under the Constitution, but to disrupt the Government, and establish an independent organization, based upon slavery, which they could at all times control.

The separation of the Government has for years past been the cherished purpose of the Scuthern leaders. Baffled, in 1832, by the stern, patriotic heroism of Andrew Jackson, they sullenly acquiesced, only to mature their diabolical schemes, and await the recurrence of a more favorable opportunity to execute them. Then the pretext was the tariff, and Jackson, after foiling their schemes of nullification and disunion, with prophetic perspicacity, warned the country against the renewal of their efforts to dismember the Government.

In a letter, dated May 1, 1833, to the Rev. A. J. Crawford, after demonstrating the heartless insincerity of the Southern nullifiers, he said: " Therefore the tariff was only a pretext and disunion, and a Southern Confederacy the real object. The next pretext will be the negro, or slavery question."

Time has fully verified this prediction, and we have now not only "the negro, or slavery question," as the pretext, but the real cause of the Rebellion, and both must go down together. It is vain to attempt to reconstruct the Union with the distracting element of slavery in it. Experience has demonstrated its incompatibility with free and republican Governments, and it would be unwise and unjust longer to continue it as one of the institutions of the country. While it remained subordinate to the Constitution and laws of the United States, I yielded to it my support; but when it became rebellious and attempted to rise above the Government, and control its action, I threw my humble influence against it.

The authority of the Government is supreme, and will admit of no rivalry. No institution can rise above it, whether it be slavery or any other organized power. In our happy form of Government all must be subordinate to the will of the people, when reflected through the Constitution and laws made pursuant thereto--State or Federal. This great principle lies at the foundation of every government, and cannot be disregarded without the destruction of the Government itself. In the support and practice of correct principles we can never reach wrong results; and by rigorously adhering to this great fundamental truth the end will be the preservation of the Union and the overthrow of an institution which has made war upon, and attempted the destruction of the Government itself.

The mode by which this great change-the emancipation of the slave-can be effected, is properly found in the power to amend the Constitution of the United States. This plan is effectual, and of no

doubtful authority; and while it does not contravene the timely exercise of the War Power by the President in his Emancipation Proclamation, it comes stamped with the authority of the people themselves, acting in accordance with the written rule of the supreme law of the land, and must therefore give more general satisfaction and quietude to the distracted public mind.

By recurring to the principles contained in the resolutions so unanimously adopted by the Convention, I find that they substantially accord with my public acts and opinions heretofore made known and expressed, and are therefore most cordially endorsed and approved; and the nomination having been conferred without any solicitation on my part, is, with the greater pleasure, accepted.

In accepting the nomination, I might here close, but I cannot forego the opportunity of saying to my old friends of the democratic party proper, with whom I have so long and pleasantly been associated, that the hour has now come when that great party can justly vindicate its devotion to true democratic policy and measures of expediency. The war is a war of great principles. It involves the supremacy and life of the Government itself. If the Rebellion triumphs, free government-North and South-fails. If, on the other hand, the Government is successful-as I do not doubt-its destiny is fixed, its basis permanent and enduring, and its career of honor and glory just begun. In a great contest like this for the existence of free government, the path of duty is patriotism and principle. Minor considerations and questions of administrative policy should give way to the higher duty of first preserving the Government, and then there will be time enough to wrangle over the men and measures pertaining to its administration.

This is not the hour for strife and division among ourselves. Such differences of opinion only encourage the enemy, prolong the war and waste the country. Unity of action and concentration of power should be our watchword and rallying cry. This accomplished, the time will rapidly approach when their armies in the field, the great power of the Rebellion will be broken and crushed by our gallant officers and brave soldiers, and ere long they will return to their homes and firesides to resume again the avocations of peace, with the proud consciousness that they have aided in the noble work of re-establishing, upon a surer and more permanent basis, the great temple of American Freedom.

I am, gentlemen, with sentiments of high regard,

CHAPTER XIX.

THE CANDIDATES AND CANVASS OF 1864.

NOMINATIONS of Parties for President and Vice-President-Generais Fremont and Cochrane withdraw - General McClellan, a good Soldier and Patriot, falls into Evil Hands - Mr. Pendleton a Disunionist - The Plot of the "Peace" Democrats - McClellan's Letter for War confuses them - The Chicago Candidates diametrically opposed - The real Question "Union" or "Disunion" - Lincoln and Johnson the Representatives of Union - Was the War a Failure? Secretary Chase's Reply - The Army Successes ruin the Chicagoites - Military History of 1864, its Losses and Gains - Permanent Achievements of Union Generals Wails from the South sound the Death of "Peace" Sedition in the North- Reorganization of Tennessee Letters and Speeches by Governor Johnson - Negro Equality a Humbug — On his Early Life - Orders an Election and prescribes a Test Oath — Protest against it presented to President Lincoln, its Reception -A Moses for the Enthralled Race Elected Vice-President Inaugural Speech Unmeaning Censure The Fall of Richmond - Great Enthusiasm - Johnson's Speech in Washington.

A WEEK previous to the nomination of Abraham Lincoln and Andrew Johnson at Baltimore, a Convention assembled at Cleveland, O., and nominated John C. Fremont for the Presidency and John Cochrane for the Vice-Presidency. On the 29th of August the "Democratic" Convention assembled at Chicago, and on the 31st nominated George B. McClellan and George H. Pendleton as candidates for the same offices. Generals Fremont and Cochrane subsequently withdrew, indicating with various personal and political reservations and explanations their preferences for Mr. Lincoln so the Presidential Contest was between the respective supporters of the Baltimore and Chicago nominees.

It is unnecessary to reiterate the position occupied by Mr. Lincoln and Governor Johnson. General McClellan was a