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COMMITTEE ON THE JUDICIARY.

HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.

SIXTY-SIXTH CONGRESS.

ANDREW J. VOLSTEAD, Minnesota, Chairman.

DICK T. MORGAN, Oklahoma.
GEORGE S. GRAHAM, Pennsylvania.
LEONIDAS C. DYER, Missouri.
JOSEPH WALSH, Massachusetts.
C. FRANK REAVIS, Nebraska.
JAMES W. HUSTED, New York.
GILBERT A. CURRIE, Michigan.
DAVID G. CLASSON, Wisconsin.
W. D. BOIES, Iowa.

RICHARD YATES, Illinois.

WELLS GOODYKOONTZ, West Virginia.
ROBERT Y. THOMAS, Jr., Kentucky.
WILLIAM L. IGOE, Missouri.

WARREN GARD, Óhio.

RICHARD S. WHALEY, South Carolina.
THADDEUS H. CARAWAY, Arkansas.
M. M. NEELY, West Virginia.
HENRY J. STEELE, Pennsylvania.

CHARLES A. CHRISTCPHERSON, South HATTON W. SUMNERS, Texas.

Dakota.

W. C. PREUS, Clerk.

SEGREGATION AND ANTILYNCHING.

(SEGREGATION, PART I; ANTILYNCHING, PART II.)
SERIAL 14.

PART I.

SEGREGATION.

COMMITTEE ON THE JUDICIARY,

HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, Washington, D. C., January 15, 1920.

The committee met at 10.30 o'clock a. m., Hon. A. J. Volstead (chairman), presiding.

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The CHAIRMAN. Are you ready to be heard on the Mason resolution?

STATEMENT OF MR. MOSES MADDEN.

The CHAIRMAN. Give us your name and place of residence.
Mr. MADDEN. Moses Madden, St. Louis, Mo.

The CHAIRMAN. Give us a statement of anything you want to say in favor of or against this resolution.

Mr. MADDEN. Mr. Chairman and gentlemen of the Judiciary Committee, concerning this resolution I indorse it with some corrections. The resolution provides for a commission to be appointed to gather facts and information for the purpose of outlining a remedy to promote the well-being of the diverse races in the United States. I object to the expression "diverse races in the United States" as that could be taken to mean Chinamen, Japanese, and Mexicans and all other races in the United States. I think this should point more direct to the conditions that exist in the United States with reference

to white and black people. There is no race other that has the same to complain of as the Negro has. There are no race riots between any people but negroes and white people in the United States and I believe this ought to say "to promote the well-being of the Negro in the United States."

Another point here, it says that this commission shall consist of 9 persons; 2 to be appointed by the President of the United States; 2 to be appointed by the President of the Senate, and 5 to be appointed by the Speaker of the House of Representatives. I do not believe that the House of Representatives should have more power than the Senate. I do not believe that the House of Representatives should have more power than the President of the United States. I believe that the President of the United States should appoint 2, the Senate 2, the House of Representatives 2, and the commission itself the other 3. It says “who represent the most numerous branch of the population." I object to that as it would mean simply that this commission would consist of white men only, they being the most numerous branch of the population. I believe this commission should consist of 9 persons, 5 white and 4 colored to adjust this matter satisfactorily. I further believe that the scope of this investigation should be far reaching enough to take in the Republic of Liberia and to see what the possibilities are for the Negro to be returned back home. I further believe that there should be some limit to this report that is being made. Just to send a man out to make an investigation, without any limit to it, he might think he had a lifetime to make it in. With these exceptions I highly indorse that resolution.

I have in connection with that another proposition I would like to offer you. I have been speaking the United States over for the last two years; have been in every State in the Union and 90 per cent of the people, both white and colored, wherever I go highly favor the separation of the two races. It is a concentrated conclusion today that the only solution for the race problem is to separate the two races. In times past when a man got out and made a speech on separating the two races, he only made one. The next time there was nobody there to talk to but prophesy yesterday is history to-day and at every speech I make the crowd doubled itself. There have been many pamphlets written along this line and circulated among the people and as a result contain many errors both in facts and effect and tend to confuse rather than enlighten the people but from time to time have tended to give satisfaction. So many and varied has this subject been treated by predecessors in our long history that one would possibly have some difficulty in selecting a theme. I escape this, however, by breaking fresh ground and bringing to your attention the Negro in America. No other movement has the same interest. You are here dealing with eleven million people, double the population of Scotland, recently not men but slaves. In many parts of the South, where the Negro outnumbers the white men, he jumped from the cotton patch to Congress, but due to his shortcomings he was not able to get results and was not able to defend himself, and so was left without representation. It takes 1,000 years

of hard labor to educate a child, so you should not hope to complete your labor with the Negro in one generation. The children of the liberated slaves met and married and the childen borne under them

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