Bavarian Concordat, which, in the opinion of the Government, was still in force. The bishop of Mentz, Baron von Ketteler, one of the most influential Catholic prelates of Germany, dissuaded the Catholics from taking part in the national celebration of the victory of Sedan (September 2d); on this question, however, other prelates, like the Bishop of Passau, and the Vicar Apostolic of the kingdom of Saxony, were of a different opinion, and large numbers of priests and congregations took part in the patriotic solemnities.

The German Government professed to see in Alsace-Lorraine the beginning of a change in the public sentiment relating to its separation from France and reunion with Germany. The consideration that a continued attitude of open and fanatical hostility to the German authority could not fail to injure fatally the material interests of the province, greatly aided in the formation of an altogether new party of conciliation, whose cry is the autonomy of the province. The supporters of this accept frankly the separation from France as an accomplished fact, and direct their labors toward preventing Alsace-Lorraine from being made an integral part of any of the older German states. In fact, they desire not to be made Prussians or Bavarians, although they have become Germans against their will, and claim, therefore, a completely independent administration as the price of full reconciliation with the empire. This view is finding large acceptance with the more sober part of the wellto-do classes, which feels the struggle against the results of the late war to be hopeless. In the second half of August, all the three District Councils of Alsace-Lorraine met, and, without hesitation, took the oath of allegiance to the German Emperor. Of the twenty-five members constituting the Council of Lower Alsace, the only absentee was Dr. Schneegans, a barrister, who was excused on account of ill-health. Herr Julius Klein, a chemist, of Strasburg, and one of the leaders of the party of autonomy, was elected president. The District Council of Upper Alsace met like that of Lower Alsace, on August 17th, and all the members but one were in their places and took the oaths; among them being the Burgomasters of Mühlhausen and Colmar. At the opening of the District Council of Lorraine, twenty-six members were present. Twenty-four of these had already taken the oaths at the last session, and the oaths were subsequently administered to the two others. Two members who had been sworn were excused from attending.

On July 13th a fanatical mechanic, Kullmann, attempted to assassinate Prince Bismarck in the watering-place of Kissingen. The prince, who had just lifted his arm for a salutation, was slightly wounded, and the Would-be assassin was promptly arrested. His trial before the court of assizes at Würzburg was begun on October 31st. In his examination by the president of the tribunal, Kullmann

admitted every thing brought against him, and gave his reasons for attempting the crime. He first thought of assassinating Prince Bismarck last Easter, when at Magdeburg. He purchased a pistol and went to Berlin, but watched in vain for the prince. He then went to Kissingen, but did not make the attempt on the Sunday, owing to the sacredness of the day, but waited till Monday. He aimed at the head of the prince, having heard that he wore a coat-ofmail on his breast, as in 1865. He admitted the heinousness of the crime, but justified it on the ground of the policy adopted by Prince Bismarck toward the Church. For the defense, two medical men were called, who both expressed the opinion that the accused was of weak intellect, and that hereditary influences had affected his mental and moral development. The counsel for the prosecution urged that, as Kullmann knew the magnitude of his crime and the punishment awaiting it, he must be considered a responsible agent. In reply, the counsel for the defense maintained that it was not Kullmann who was guilty, but the influences which impelled him to commit the deed. His mind, excited by Ultramontane teaching, was in an abnormal condition, and, as he was unconscious of his acts, a verdict of not guilty should be returned. The jury returned into court with a verdict of guilty, and the president sentenced the accused to fourteen years' imprisonment, and at the expiration of that time to deprivation of his civil rights for ten years. Kullmann manifested no surprise on hearing the sentence, and refused to avail himself of his right of appeal.

On October 4th Count Harry von Arnim, formerly German embassador in Paris, was arrested and conveyed to the city jail of Berlin, on the charge of having abstracted documents which he received in his official character as German embassador in Paris. Count Arnim had been recalled from Paris at the beginning of May, because he had not only openly expressed his dissent from the policy of Prince Bismarck, but even furnished to Austrian and Belgian papers articles attacking him. With regard to the documents he was charged with having abstracted, he claimed that they were confidential letters, and therefore his property. The trial began on December 9th, before the City Court of Berlin, which sentenced the count to three months' imprisonment, a decision from which both the state attorney and Count Arnim appealed. It clearly appeared from the trial that the count had hoped, in concert with the Conservative and Catholic opponents of Bismarck, to dislodge the latter from his exalted position, and to become his successor.

MAX VON FORCKENBECK, the new President of the German Reichstag, was born at Münster, on October 21, 1821. Having studied law at the Universities of Giessen and Berlin, he was, in 1847, appointed judge at Glogau, in Silesia. In the revolutionary year of 1848 he began to

take an active part in German politics as President of the Democratic Constitutional Society of Breslau. In 1849 he established himself as attorney in Elbing, Eastern Prussia. His connection with the legislative assemblies of Germany began in 1858, and has never ceased since. Being first elected for the district of Mohringen, he subsequently represented in turn the cities of Königsberg, Cologne, and Elbing. In 1866 the Chamber of Deputies elected him president, and he was at every following session of the Diet reelected to this position until, in 1873, he was elected Burgomaster of the city of Breslau, and as such became a member of the Prussian Herrenhaus. Among the many important reports which he prepared in the name of different committees, that on the army question was especially valued. He was also elected member of the Constituent and the regular Reichstag of the NorthGerman Confederation (Norddeutsche Bund), and of the first and second Reichstag of the German Empire. The latter, as has already been stated, elected him president by the unanimous vote of all parties. When, in the fall of 1874, he deemed it necessary to resign his position as president because the Reichstag had overruled one of his decisions, it was Deputy Windthorst, the leader of the Catholic Centre, and one of the most determined opponents of the political principles of Forckenbeck, who, in warm words of admiration, and amid the applause of all parties, moved his reelection by acclamation, which was carried without a dissenting vote. Forckenbeck has been a prominent exponent of the principles of the National Liberals, to which party he has belonged since its formation. By birth a Catholic, Forckenbeck supports, with his political party, the Prussian laws on Church affairs, and in 1873 accepted a position as member of a new ecclesiastical court, which is to exercise the rights of the state over all the churches recognized by the state, and the establishment of which was so severely denounced by the Catholic bishops and the Catholic party.

MARTIN EDUARD SIMSON, the President of the first Reichstag of the German Empire, occupies a prominent position in the constitutional history of Germany since 1848. He was born at Königsberg, November 10, 1810, and after studying law at the Universities of Königsberg, Berlin, and Bonn, was appointed in 1831 Privatdocent and in 1843 professor at the University of Königsberg. In 1848 he was deputed by his native city to the German National Assembly, which at once elected him secretary, in September vice-president, and in December president, in place of Heinrich von Gagern, who had become prime-minister. He was reelected president from month to month until the end of May, 1849, when he had to decline on account of severe indisposition. When in November, 1848, a conflict arose at Berlin between the Government of Prussia and

the Prussian National Assembly, Simson was commissioned by the National Assembly of Frankfort to attempt a mediation. In April, 1849, he headed the deputation of the Frankfort Assembly, which was to notify the King of Prussia of his election as German Emperor. In May, 1849, he left the Frankfort Assemby, and in August of the same year entered the second Prussian Chamber as deputy of his native city. In March, 1850, he was elected President of the Lower House of the Reichstag of Erfurt, which had been called by the King of Prussia and his allies to attempt again the union of the German states. When this project was abandoned, he reentered the second Prussian Chamber, where he was one of the leaders of the Opposition against the policy of the ministry. Dissatisfied with the course of the Government, he declined, in 1852, a reëlection into the second Chamber, and retired from political life. In 1858, when the Prince of Prussia, as regent, formed a liberal ministry, he again accepted a mandate for the second Chamber, which in 1860 and 1861 elected him president, and in October, 1861, deputed him as its representative to the coronation of King William at Königsberg. remained a member of the second Chamber until 1867, when he became a member of the Reichstag of the North-German Confederation. He was the permanent president of this Reichstag as well as the Customs Parliament, and in December, 1870, headed the socalled "Imperial Deputation," which expressed to King William the assent of the North-German Reichstag to the restoration of the German Empire. The first Reichstag of the restored German Empire elected him president in all of its sessions, and so high was the esteem in which he was held by all parties, that none of them ever thought of putting up a candidate against him. The reelection as President by the second Reichstag, in 1874, he had to decline on account of failing health. His chair at the University of Königsberg he had given up in 1846, when he was appointed councillor of the so-called Tribunal of the Kingdom of Prussia. In 1860 he became vice-president, and in 1869 first president, of the Court of Appeal at Frankfort-on-the-Oder.

He

PRINCE CHLODWIG KARL VICTOR VON HoHENLOHE SCHILLINGSFÜRST, first Vice-President of the first German Reichstag, has long been known as a leading statesman of Bavaria. He is descended from one of the oldest princely families of Germany, and was born March 31, 1819. In 1834 he inherited, with his elder brother Victor, from the last Landgrave of Hesse-Rheinfeld-Rotenburg, the duchy of Ratibor, the principality of Corvey, the dominion of Treffurt, and other territories. In 1840 the King of Prussia conferred upon his brother Victor the title of Duke of Ratibor, and upon him that of Prince of Ratibor and Corvey. He resigned his claim to the dominion of Schillingsfürst in Bavaria in favor of his younger brother

Philip, after whose death in 1845, and in virtue of an agreement with his elder brother, Victor, concluded on October 15, 1845, he succeeded, on February 12, 1846, as Prince of HohenloheSchillingsfürst, and became as such a member of the first Chamber of Bavaria. On January 1, 1867, he succeeded Baron von der Pfordten as Minister of Foreign Affairs and of the royal house, and as such declared himself to be a decided friend "of a closer union of the German states on a basis compatible with the sovereignty of the particular states." As the most prominent representative of the SouthGerman Liberals, he was elected by the German Customs Parliament its first vice-president. On the convocation of the Vatican Council, he endeavored to bring about a coalition of European powers for preventing the proclamation of papal infallibility, but the plan failed in consequence of the opposition of France and Austria. He resigned his place in the ministry on March 8, 1870, and on the outbreak of the war was a foremost champion of the national war against France, and subsequently of the restoration of the German Empire. The first German Reichstag, in which he belonged to the Liberal Imperial party (Liberale Reichspartei), a union chiefly of South-German Liberals, elected him first vicepresident by a large majority, and in 1874 he was reelected to the same position during the first session of the second Reichstag. In May, 1874, he was appointed by the Emperor as German embassador in Paris. His eldest brother, Victor, Duke of Ratibor, born in 1818, is also a member of the German Reichstag. Another brother, Gustav, born in 1823, is a cardinal. He was in 1873 appointed German embassador near the Pope, but not accepted by the Pope.

BARON FRANZ AUGUST SCHENCK VON STAUFFENBERG, Vice President of the German Reichstag, the scion of an old noble family of Bavaria, was born on August 3, 1834, at Würzborg. After studying at the Universities of Würzburg and Heidelberg, he entered the service of the Bavarian Government, and was for several years state attorney. In 1866 he left the public service and entered the Bavarian House of Deputies, in which he at once became one of the leading members of the party of progress, and took an active part in all the important discussions. In November, 1873, he was elected President of the second Bavarian Chamber, and in November, 1874, first Vice-President of the German Reichstag, in the place of his friend the Prince of Hohenlohe, who had been appointed German embassador in Paris.

DR. ALBERT HÄNEL, the second Vice-President of the German Reichstag, was born on July 10, 1830, at Leipsic. After studying law at the Universities of Vienna, Leipsic, and Heidelberg, he was appointed Privatdocent at the University of Leipsic. In 1860 he became professor at Königsberg, and in 1863 at Kiel.

He has been a member of the Prussian House of Deputies since 1867 for one of the Schleswig-Holstein districts, and was also elected by Schleswig-Holstein to the North - German Reichstag, and to the first and second Reichstag of the German Empire, where he was one of the most prominent members of the party of progress. Dr. Hänel is a very prolific writer on law-questions, and was one of the chief advisers of Prince Frederick of Augustenburg when the latter pressed his claims to the succession in Schleswig-Holstein before the Federal Diet of Germany.

GRANT, ROBERT Edmund, M. D., F. R. S., a distinguished British comparative anatomist, zoologist, professor, and author, born in Edinburgh, November 11, 1793; died in London, August 21, 1874. He was of an excellent family, and received his early education in the High School, Edinburgh, whence he proceeded to the university of that city. He entered upon his medical studies with such zeal, and distinguished himself so greatly by his devotion to anatomical and physiological investigations, that he was elected President of the Medico-Chirurgical and Royal Medical Societies of Edinburgh before he was twenty-one years of age. In May, 1814, he received his diploma as member of the Royal College of Surgeons, and a month later graduated M. D. from the University of Edinburgh. He spent the next six years in professional studies, in the universities and medical schools on the Continent, and in 1820 returned to Edinburgh and commenced the practice of his profession there. He soon commenced lecturing on comparative anatomy in Edinburgh, and his lectures were largely attended. He also contributed many valuable papers to the Scientific Journal. A series of papers on the "Structure and Functions of the Sponge" gained for him a high reputation. At the organization of University College, one of the institutions which grew up into the London University, he was offered the professorship of Comparative Anatomy and Zoology, and accepted it, delivering his first lecture October 23, 1828. He retained this professorship for more than forty years. He also delivered courses of lectures on the structure and classification of animals before the London Zoological Society, and in 1837 was appointed Fullerian Professor of Anatomy and Physiology in the Royal Institution of Great Britain, and for some years delivered the courses of lectures on paleontology on the Swiney foundation. He was made a Fellow of the Royal Society a few years after his removal to London, and contributed largely to its Transactions. In 1835 he commenced his great work, "Outlines of Comparative Anatomy, presenting a Sketch of the Present State of Knowledge, and of the Progress of Discovery in that Science, designed to serve as an Introduction to Animal Physiology and to the Principles of Classification in Zoology," of which the first volume was published in 1835 or

1836; but, amid the engrossing labors of his various professorships, and other literary and scientific pursuits, the subject grew to proportions too vast for him to be able to do full justice to it, and the work was never completed. In 1836 he became joint-editor, with Dr. R. B. Todd, of "The Cyclopædia of Anatomy and Physiology," and was active in other literary undertakings. Prof. Grant was an admirable scientific lecturer, a very skillful and careful anatomist, and generally an accomplished scientist. He was a member of most of the British and Continental scientific societies.

GREAT BRITAIN, or, THE UNITED KINGDOM OF GREAT Britain and IRELAND. Area, 121,115 square miles, or 77,828,829 statute acres. Population in 1871, 31,628,338, exclusive of men in the army, navy, and merchant service abroad. Estimated population in 1874, on the basis of the registration reports of births and deaths, the same classes being excluded, 32,412,010. This is probably about 120,000 less than the actual population, and the increase is confined to England and Scotland, Ireland constantly diminishing in the number of its inhabitants. This population and area constitute but a small portion of the British Empire, which with its colonies and dependencies embraces about one-third of the surface of the globe, and nearly a fourth of its population. For a more complete statement of these, see GREAT BRITAIN, COLONIAL POSSESSIONS AND DEPENDENCIES OF. The government is a limited constitutional monarchy, consisting of the sovereign, and the Houses of Lords and Commons, without whose joint approval no legislative measure is complete, though a large discretion is left to the Executive. The executive government of Great Britain and Ireland is vested nominally in the crown, but practically in a committee of ministers, commonly called the cabinet, which has come to absorb the functions of the ancient Privy Council, as well as those of "the King in Council." The members of the cabinet, bearing the title of Right Honorable, are sworn "to advise the sovereign according to the best of their cunning and discretion," and "to help and strengthen the execution of what shall be resolved." Though not the offspring of any formal election, the cabinet is virtually appointed by Parliament, and is essentially a creature of the House of Commons, its existence being dependent on its being sustained by a majority in that body. As its acts are liable to be questioned in Parliament, and require prompt explanation, it is essential that the members of the cabinet should have seats either in the House of Lords or the Commons, where they become identified with the general policy and

The variations in the number of statute acres in the area are not ours, but exist in the official statements made from year to year. We are unable to account for them. The difference between the statements in 1873 and 1874 was uearly 200,000 acres.

acts of the Government. As the members of the House of Lords are by virtue of their rank entitled to seats in that body, there is no occasion for the members of the cabinet who are peers, to appeal to the people at their entry into the cabinet; but it is the custom, sanctified by prescription, for those cabinet officers who are members of the House of Commons, to resign their seats when they accept office, and pass, at least, through the form of a new election. Thus in the last resort, the actual ruling power in the United Kingdom, from which all government proceeds, is the House of Commons. The power of the sovereign is almost wholly nominal; whatever may be the private or personal views of the Queen on matters of public policy, she must be governed by the opinions of her ministers, and they can only remain in power so long as they sustain the views of the majority in the House of Commons. Whenever a vote expressing. either directly or indirectly, lack of confidence in the ministry, passes the House of Commons, that ministry must resign, or dissolve the session of Parliament and appeal to the people by means of an election; if in the election a majority of members of the Commons are elected who are opposed to the ministry, the Queen is obliged to call the leader of the opposition to form a new ministry, to whom the government shall be intrusted. There are indeed many privileges and vested rights belonging to the aristocracy, which make the government of the country in some sense an oligarchy; and suffrage, though much more extensive than it was fifty or even ten years since, is still far from being universal; there are also many abuses, and special burdens and wrongs, to be abolished before the Government of Grest Britain can be justly considered in the largest sense a free and popular government; but, so far as the sovereign is concerned, her power is far more restricted and controlled by her ministers and Parliament than is the case in most republics. The President of the United States has much more actual power than the Queen of Great Britain; and the American Congress cannot exercise nearly as much control over his action as the House of Commons does over the Queen. This condition of affairs is mainly of modern growth. While some of the privileges and rights of the House of Commons date as far back as Magna Charta, the greater portion have been wrung from the rulers at the cost of revolutions. Large additions were made to the powers of popular government at the dethronement and execution of Charles I.; and larger still at the revolution which removed James II. from the throne. In the present century, the passage of the Reform Bill in 1832, and the enlargement of suffrage in 1868, have added much to the influence of the House of Commons; and the Irish Church Disestablishment Act, the prohibition of traffic in army commissions, and the vote by secret ballot, have materially abridged the privileges

of the aristocracy. There remain, in the not distant future, the disestablishment of the English and Scottish Churches, and the curtailment of some of the remaining privileges of the aristocracy, and Great Britain will be practically the freest country in the world. Still, as was to be expected, the aristocracy cling, with an almost death-like grasp, to their immunities and privileges; and often, when these are threatened, if the ministry are weak or unwary, they manage to secure their retention by some artifice, which a little boldness would suffice to overthrow. Such an instance occurred in the defeat of the Judicature Bill in March, 1875.

The present sovereign of the United Kingdom is Her Majesty Alexandrina Victoria I. of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, Queen, and of the Colonies and Dependencies thereof, Empress of India, Defender of the Faith; born May 24, 1819; succeeded to the throne June 20, 1837; crowned June 28, 1838; married February 10, 1840; widowed December 14, 1861. The heir-apparent to the throne is His Royal Highness Albert Edward, Prince of Wales, born November 9, 1841. The cost of the support of the royal family and its households was for the year ending March 31, 1874, as follows: "Annual grant to Her Majesty for the support of her household and of the honor and dignity of the crown of the United Kingdom," £385,000; grants to other members of the royal family out of the consolidated fund, £142,000; revenues of the Duchy of Lancaster, paid to the Queen, net amount after paying all charges, £41,000; revenues of the Duchy of Cornwall, paid to the Prince of Wales, net amount after paying all charges, £62,515, making a total of £630,515 $3,152,575. Aside from this large annual income, the royal family receive the income of the royal estates at Windsor, at Osborne, Isle of Wight, and at Balmoral, Scotland, which, as the estates are well managed, amounts to a considerable sum. The real rulers, the members of the cabinet and their subordinates and clerks, received the same year £1,933,356 $9,666,780.

The member of the cabinet who fills the position of First Lord of the Treasury, and combined with it sometimes that of Chancellor of the Exchequer, is the premier or chief of the ministry, and therefore of the cabinet; it is at his suggestion and recommendation that his colleagues are appointed; and he dispenses, with hardly an exception, the patronage of the crown. Every cabinet includes the following ten members of the administration: the First Lord of the Treasury, the Lord-Chancellor, the Lord-President of the Council, the Lord Privy Seal, the Chancellor of the Exchequer, and the five Secretaries of State. A number of other ministerial functionaries, varying from two to eight, have usually seats in the cabinet, those most frequently admitted being the ChiefCommissioner of Works and Buildings, the

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Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster, the First Lord of the Admiralty, the President of the Board of Trade, the Vice-President of the Privy Council, the Postmaster-General, the Chief Secretary for Ireland, and the President of the Poor-Law Board. The selection usually falls upon those among the last-mentioned functionaries whose rank, talents, reputation, and political weight, render them the most useful auxiliaries, or whose services, while in opposition, may have given them the strongest claims to become members of the cabinet. It has occasionally happened that a statesman, possessing high character and influence, has accepted a seat in the cabinet without undertaking the labors and responsibilities of any particular office. Although the cabinet has been regarded for at least one hundred and sixty years as an essential part of the institutions of Great Britain, it is a singular fact that it is wholly unknown to the law. The names of the members who compose it are never officially announced; no record is kept of its resolutions or meetings, nor has its existence been recognized by any act of Parliament.

As intimated in the ANNUAL CYCLOPÆDIA for 1873, the results of the thorough canvass of his party in the House of Commons in the autumn and winter of 1873 satisfied Mr. Gladstone, the Liberal premier, that he could not command a working majority in the House at the next session, and accordingly, on the 24th of January, 1874, a dissolution of the Twentieth Parliament of the United Kingdom was announced, and writs for a new election of members of Parliament issued, the elections commencing January 31st. The returns from these elections indicated the choice of 350 "Conservatives," 242 "Liberals," and 60 "Home-Rulers." The Conservatives having thus a clear majority over all of 48, Mr. Gladstone at once resigned, and the Queen sent for Mr. Disraeli, the Conservative leader, to form a new cabinet; and on the 21st of February the following persons were installed as the new cabinet:

First Lord of the Treasury and Premier.— Right Honorable Benjamin Disraeli, born December 31, 1805; in Parliament since 1837, three times Chancellor of the Exchequer, viz., March to December, 1852; March, 1858, to June, 1859; July, 1866, to February, 1868. First Lord of the Treasury, February 25th to December 2, 1868. A full sketch of Mr. Disraeli's career will be found in the ANNUAL CYCLOPÆDIA for 1873, pp. 335, 336.

Lord High Chancellor.-Lord Cairns, formerly Sir Hugh McCalmont Cairns, born 1819, son of the late William Cairns, Esq., of Cultra, County Down, in the north of Ireland; educated at Trinity College, Dublin, graduating LL. D. in 1842; called to the Bar at the Middle Temple, London, in 1844; member of Parliament for Belfast, 1852-'66; and manifested abilities of so high an order, that Earl Derby made him Solicitor-General in 1858-'59; in 1866 he was appointed Attorney-General, and