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him to death." Solomon says, that there is nothing new under the sun. All which sayings the Independent Whig has done his best to verify.
Now, as to the “ long-contemplated act,” Mr. Hinxman knows that I last year sowed about a million of ash seeds, and that, this last winter I caused to be collected many bushels more to sow next year, as they lie one year in sand previously to being sown. And this I was doing while I was writing those letters to the Americans, which excited the suspicions of the sagacious Mr. White, of the Independent Whig. And, as for that "SON" of mine, whom this sharp-sighted gentleman had discovered to be settled in America and republishing my Registers there, if he had been sober for any portion of the last twelve months, he must have known that son to be a nephew, that he was sent out to publish what I dlared not publish in England, and that all the plan and the departure of my nephew, and the whole thing was publicly stated in the Register in England, in February 1816. He may know further, if he will, that, in January last, I sent for this nephew and his partner (whom I used to call my embassadors) to come home to England, and that one of them was upon the point of sailing when I myself ürrived at New York! So much for the “longcontemplated act." But, how this poor envious man must have blushed, if blushing had not long forsaken him, when he saw, in the next week's Address, that I explicitly state my resolution never to become a citizen of America! He would then, I should hope, blush too for saying that I had "turned my back upon many thousands of converts.” You, my worthy friends, and my countrymen in general, will have seen by this time, whether I have turned my back upon England, or upon Englishmen.
But he (brave man!) will remain at his post! And there he may remain as quietly as one of his staring posting-bills, and without attracting any more attention from the Ministers than those bills do from the public. He, indeed! What danger is he in ? His very abuse of me is a sufficient security to him, and that he knows very well. He need not, however, resort to such means : his intrinsic impotence is quite enough to protect him against the warrants of Secretaries of State. It is the mastiff and not the mouse that those gentry wish to muzzle. He will (generous creature !) be always at the service of his country, but what service ? I have caused to be published, since my departure, more of that one Address (to maul which he was preparing his fangs), in one single day's sale, than he publishes of his paper in a whole year! And, in all probability there has been more sold of that Address before now, than he will publish of his paper in three years. So that, supposing my matter to be equal to his in quality, and, surely one may suppose that without any very great degree of presumption, I have only to write and send over one Register in three years to equal this devoted patriot in point of magnitude of service to my country. He asks to what a state of degradation the character of Englishmen would be reduced, if every public-spirited writer were to follow my example. If every such writer and there are many such) could do it, he would do it. For, what is it to my readers, whether I am at Botley, or in London, or on Long Island ; unless, indeed, we could suppose, that, while they applauded the writings, they liked to know that the writer's personal liberty, and perhaps his life, were in continual danger? And, if what I write here cannot be published in England, of what service to my country would it be for me to have remained in it?
The truth is, that, of all the envious men in the world, this man is the
most shameless in the exposing of his envy. When he talks of the effects of his having abused me sometime back, he speaks feelingly; for it cost him one-half of his readers. Yet, I never rejoiced at this. On the contrary, when people from the country have spoken to me about dropping his paper, I have always said : "0! no! Though he says “ spiteful things of me, he now-and-then publishes good things. Don't “ drop his paper. He is an ill-conditioned, envious man; but, I “ dare say, his paper will do you no harm, and I am sure it will do me “ none." I have used almost these very words to twenty different persons. I knew very well that his paper was sold to the Whig faction; but I thought his senseless rant against us would do us good rather than harm.
Mr. Bell, in his Weekly Messenger, had the candour and wisdom to observe, on the same 30th of March, that my taking up my Citizenship in America would be allayed by the payment of 5000 dollars, the amount of a fine imposed on me for a libel in this country. Poor Mr. Bell was deceived. His envious malice blinded him. I have no Citizenship to take up, Mr. Bell, and no fine to pay and never had. I paid 5000 dol. lars for an American having, in my paper, condemned the late Dr. Rush's practice of physic, which practice, as far as I recollect anything about it, consisted in bleeding people to death to save their lives. But, I can excuse you, Mr. BELL. A man does not like to be left without readers, and particularly without payers for reading. Your falling off has been too shocking for any man to endure with patience. But, come, do not despair. A little veering about, if it does not recover your readers, may bring you your old grist from the Treasury: only, pray bear in mind, that an honest Parliament may call you to account and make you refund. Walter and Stewart will have a long account of this sort to settle ; and, though Stewart affects to treat seriously the charge of the Stamp-Office against my son, he must end his career pretty quickly, or, I verily believe, that that very son is likely to be one of those who will make a real charge against him for what he may be found indebted to the people of England. Indeed, these hirelings smell danger at a great distance. Their efforts in support of corruption are now, in their motive, like those which passengers on board a ship make to keep her from sink. ing. They are all now embarked in the same bottom with the Boroughmongers, ard they must sink or swim with them. However, it will be prudent in them to begin to prepare their accounts, which are of very long standing, and which must be settled. I would hunt the money in their hands to the last penny. I have seen a letter in Walter's father's own hand, in which he states, that the Treasury paid him seven hundred pounds for his fine and expenses, on account of a libel on the Prince of Wales and the Duke of York! This was a pretty use for these loyal gentlemen to apply the public money to. Let them all prepare their accounts, I say, and that will furnish amusement for them in these dull times of the Gag. The people do not know one-half of the motives of these men for supporting corruption. But, a little time will bring the whole to light; and then we shall see the stuff that their loyalty is made of. It is very hard that they should be riding about in their carriages, while those who have paid the taxes that have enriched them are starving. These impudent men always speak of the mass of the people as if they were speaking of so many brutes. They have no idea of a day of reckoning. That vile wretch of the Times spoke of poor CASHMAN as if he had
been a dog. If the poor fellow had had his two hundred pounds instead of Walter's father having received seven hundred for libelling two of the Royal Family, he would now have been alive, in all probability, and doing well. Tine: time; give us only a little time; and justice will be done to everybody.
A HISTORY OF THE LAST HUNDRED DAYS
OF ENGLISH FREEDOM, &c.
Continuation of the History down to the Opening of the Parliament.-PostScript.
Base Calumnies of Mr. Perry.—MR. Curwer's Poor-law Project.-Report on Sinecures.
North Hampstead, Long Island, June 13th, 1817. My Worthy AND BELOVED FRIENDS,
Such, as I described it in my last letter, was my opinion, in the summer of 1816, upon the expediency of urging on the question of Reform. As the autumn approached, those persons who had been before so pressing upon the subject, became more and more pressing, and they began to make an impression upon me. The cause was always good; it was, at all times, just for us to demand our rights; it was at all times clear that the nation never could be happy till those rights were restored ; but, though it be right and just to demand a thing, the expediency is also to be taken into view. It is at all times just to endeavour to destroy an enemy that has landed on the shores of our country; but the time of making the attack upon him may be so manifestly ill-calculated to produce the desired effect, that such attack may almost be criminal.
Mr. Hinxman will recollect, that, as he and I went from Botley to Appleshaw fair, in October last, I stated to him all my doubts as to the success of the cause of Reform, as long as the Boroughmongers should be able to raise money enough to pay the fundholders in full. Yet, such was the state of things as to the general distress and misery of the nation, that the time, in all other respects, seemed to be propitious; and at last, after long debating in my mind, I determined on yielding to the pressing request of others and to try what could be done. And, here it will be observed by the Ministers and by their hirelings, that I acknowledge the truth of their charge, in and out of Parliament; that we look advantage of the distressed state of the people.
To be sure we did ; and, had we not a right so to do? Were we not justified in this by
every principle of morality and by every consideration of duty ? Was it not our duty to call upon the people to demand a Reform, when they were tasting of all the evils of a want of Reform ; was it ever yet deemed unfair to assail an enemy at a moment when his affairs at home were in a difficult state ? Did not the kings of Europe first sow the seeds of trouble in France, and then fall vpon the Republican Government ? We had not sown the seeds of trouble. We had brought no evils upon the country. It was the Boroughmongers themselves who had brought all the sufferings upon the people ; and, were we not to take hold of the occasion to call upon the people to demand those rights, the baving been deprived of which was the grand cause of all these sufferings ? Besides, I had, for twelve years, been predicting, that the nation would be brought into this state unless a Reform was adopted : and, when this state was actually arrived ; when all my predictions were amply accomplished, was I to hold my tongue ? Was I, who had always contended that this great object of Reform was the main object to be attained, to say no more about it because the moment was arrived when all the evils of a want of it were felt?
no further back than the Battle of Waterloo when I had been abused, insulted, scoffed at, for my predictions as to the miseries that would arise from the funding system, particular pains were taken by many to insult me by anonymous letters. To abuse me in the vilest terms. To ask me what was now become of all my prophecies. And when the hour of distress actually had arrived, I was to hold my tongue! Again it is very notorious, that, during the wars against France, and afterwards against America, the most sedulous and most successful efforts were made to deceive the people ; to keep them in the dark; to mislead them; to render them wholly insensible to the voice of truth and of justice. And, now, when sad experience of the effects of those wars came to my aid, I was to be silent; I was to reject the powerful aid of such an ally: and was to leave, as far as my silence would contribute to that effect, the people to ascribe their miseries to any cause but the true cause! And, all this, into the bargain, to accommodate my good friends, the Boroughmongers, by whom I had myself been persecuted almost to death!
So much for their charge of our having taken advantage of the distresses of the country, which charge, in one short phrase, is no other than what a murderer might bring against his prosecutor, who should produce the evidence of surgeons in support of his case. But, though our cause was just; though it was fuir to take advantage of the state of the country to forward that cause ; still there was the consideration of expediency as to time; and my own opinion was, that the time was not come to urge on the question with the best chance of success. But, pressed very much by those for whose opinions I had, and still have, a very great respect, I thought it right to devote a paper or two to the subject; and, therefore, as I had no business myself at Appleshaw fair, Mr. Hinxman went tnither without me, while I remained at Middleton Cottage and wrote that essay which is entitled, “What good would a Reform of Parliament now do ?” This was No. 15, of Volume 31, and is dated at Middleton Cottage, 12th of October, 1816. The succeeding Number, which was written from home, was to show, “In what manner a Reform can take place without creating Confusion."
These two Numbers, though at the old price of one shilling and a halfpenny, produced a very great effect. No. 17 was an Address to the
Reformers in general, having for its object to enforce what had been before said. No. 18, which was dated at Botley, on the 2nd of November, was the first cheap Register, and the history of its origin will show what mighty effects may spring from causes merely accidental. During the Spring and Summer of 1816, there had been many acts of violence committed upon bakers, butchers, millers, and other dealers in the first necessaries of life. Threshing-machines had been destroyed ; moleploughs had been burnt; mills had been destroyed; and, while in the towns, the people, in the fury of their hunger, were falling upon the shops of bakers and butchers, they had, in many places in the country, laid furious hands on the barns and ricks of corn and hay. The fatal result of the disturbances in the Isle of Ely was fresh before our eyes ; and it became a subject of deep lamentation with nie, that every part of the people did not clearly see the real causes of their misery, and that they should be thus induced to commit acts of violence upon their in. nocent neighbours and fellow-sufferers. At the same time, the hirelings of the press, especially the Times, the Courier, and some of the Weekly PAPERS, were labouring constantly to persuade the people, that the dealers in the necessaries of life charged too high a price, in which they were aided by many of the mugistrates; and, of course, the remedy for the people was to compel those persons to charge a lower price, and, as that could be done only by acts of violence, acts of violence were committed, and then these same writers were the first to cry out against rioting, and to call for the blood of the rioters ! What I have stated here, as to fact, is notorious throughout the kingdom.
Some time in the month of September, and about two months previous to the epoch of the famous No. 18, I was conversing on this subject with a neighbour, and, we both agreed that, if the people could but be enabled to see the matter in its true light, there would be an end to ull such acts of violence at once, and, of course, to the ignominious deaths of fathers and sons, and the miseries of wives, children, and parents, produced in the end by those acts of violence. My neighbour was of opinion that it was in my power to effect this desirable purpose by writing an essay upon the subject. But, though I had a strong desire to do it, I was aware that the high price of the Register, though it had not prevented it from being more read than any other publication, still, it prevented it from being so generally read as would be necessary to put the people right upon this important subject. Hence came the observation from one of us (I forget which), that if, for this one time, for this particular purpose, the price could be by some means or other, reduced to two-pence, then the desired effect would be produced at once. I said, before we parted, that this should be done. But, as it was impossible for me to prove to the people what was not the cause of their misery, without proving to them what was the cause of their misery; and as it was impossible for me to show them the real cause of their misery, without pointing out the remedy ; .as the remedy, at last, came to a Reform of Parliament: and, as I still feared, that the best time was not come for urging on this grand question, I delayed, from time to time, the fulfilment of my promise to my neighbour, who, on his part, never saw me without pressing me hard upon the subject; and, on the 2nd of November, I wrote the No. 18, being an " Address to the Journeymen and Labourers," on the afore-mentioned subjects.
As the topics had long been a passing through my mind, they came