sustained it by their votes. None denied its justice, though some denied its expediency. Many gave their countenance to the enemy, though they had too much self-respect to deny the folly and stupidity of the Mexicans.

The House of Representatives voted, by a small majority, that the war" was unnecessarily and unconstitutionally begun by the president of the United States," and yet the same body refused to stop it.* Articles of impeachment were threatened against the president by the whigs, but they were not brought forward, because there was a democratic majority in the senate; as if the senators of the democracy could not be true to their oaths of office! States passed their resolutions of approval and of protest, peace societies remonstrated, clergymen admonished, and citizens denounced. The government was disowned at home and abused abroad, for the unholy war, as it was called, against a weak and distracted people. Party in its bitterness, zeal in its ignorance, and prejudice in its blindness, all conspired to render the acts of the government unsuccessful in their objects, and odious to the people. But the people were true to their country and to its government. Duty was too plain to be mistaken, too great to be neglected. They asked no advice but facts, and raised no standard but conscience. The government compromised no right, and neglected no duty. It was prompt in its action, and humane in its policy. It was true to the country, true to Mexico, true to the world, and true to itself.

In the eloquent language of General Cass, we give a brief review of what was accomplished by our government and army during the short period of twenty-two months. He says,

"The act recognizing war was passed on the 13th of May, 1846, twenty-two months ago. At that time we had an army,

*The "ten regiment bill' was passed by the House, by a vote of 170 to 35. See speeches of Mr. Cobb and Mr. Stanton, delivered in February and March, 1848.

whose total of rank and file consisted of 7523 men. They occupied thirty-seven forts and positions in the interior of the United States, and upon our inland and seaboard frontier, comprehending a space almost equal to half of Europe; and the portion of this force under General Taylor, upon the Nueces, amounted to 3001 men. This was our preparation for meeting the war. All else had to be collected or created. Recollect, sir, that our situation is far different from that of the martial powers of Europe. War is there both a trade and science, and its governments are always prepared to meet contingencies, which cannot, indeed, be foreseen, but which, if not provided for, bring ruin and disorder in their train. At one time, the people of France were a great army, the country a vast camp, the cities and towns, arsenals and magazines, and the fields, sources of supply for the immense living machine, whose movements were always so tremendous, and often so irresistible. Well, sir, we had nothing of all this. We had no army, for our little force scarcely deserved the name. We had no conscription by which to increase it. All materiel necessary for the subsistence and transportation and operations of our troops had to be collected through the country, and conveyed to a distant scene of operations. This scene is three thousand miles off; and little did the government or country know of the condition of Mexico, of its fortresses, or their state of preparation; of its armies, or their state of efficiency or discipline; of the roads, bridges, the means of transportation and subsistence, and the thousand other points, essential to military operations, and which, in the various countries of Europe, are studied and known.

"Now, sir, in the face of these obstacles, what have we done? We have sent our troops to the shores of the Pacific, by the routes across the continent, and around Cape Horn; we have subdued Upper and Lower California and New Mexico; we have taken possession of the rich and populous districts upon the Rio Grande; we have carried the war into the heart of the Republic, after attacking and reducing the

renowned fortress, which commands its principal maritime entrance, the capture of which alone was glory enough for France; we have taken its capital, dispersed its armies, made its government, and reduced to subjection a large portion of its population; we have fought. at least fourteen important actions, of which eight were pitched battles, and in every one there was a disparity of force against us, and in many an inequality, which carries us back for similar examples of desperate struggles, to the early ages of the world, -to the combats of the Greeks and Persians, which they resemble, rather than the conflicts, which the severe truth of modern history judges and records. We have captured a score of great cities, some of them fortified and defended, and capable of strong resistance. Time would fail me to tell all we have done, nor can it be necessary; for is it not already written in imperishable letters upon the records of history, and in burning and shining characters upon the heart of every American!"

This language was not spoken by the distinguished senator in a spirit of boasting, but in reply to an honorable member who had spoken lightly of the efficiency of our government and of the achievements of our army.

It has been urged by some, that if we had invaded Mexico with a large army, her chance of success would have been deemed a hopeless one by her own government, and that negotiation and peace would have been the immediate results. Perhaps so. It is easy to say this when another and more moderate course was adopted. If a powerful and overwhelming movement had been made by the administration, against that feeble and miserable people, OPPRESSION and CRUELTY would have been the cry every where. Mexico would have had no chance to expose her weakness, and her strength would have been over-estimated. As it now stands, in every battle, her numerical force was greatly superior to ours, and it cannot be said, that she had no opportunity to test the bravery of her troops by battle, or to vindicate her honor by victory.

Much has been said by the opponents of the war with regard to the return of Santa Anna to Mexico. Of the means sanctioned or provided we have no remark to make. This subject was conclusively disposed of by the president in his answer to Congress. We allude to it only for the purpose of expressing our undisguised astonishment that any one, under any circumstances, should deny to Mexico the service of her sons! Supposing permission had been asked to allow his return, who would have refused it? What was Santa Anna that we should fear him? Why should he be continued in banishment by us? Was he our prisoner? And if he were considered by Mexico her ablest general, his absence would have been deemed as the cause of defeat, and false hopes would have continued to blind her people. Of what avail has his return been to Mexico!

Our country owes her army a debt of gratitude which nothing but duty to her own great interests can ever pay. Our soldiers were our fellow-citizens. They bravely fought the battles of justice, and won victories that shall tend to lessen wrong and establish peace in all coming time. They made sacrifices for others' good, and, if they suffered, time will prove that for every pain shall come a thousand blessings to the future race.* While we greet with smiles and joyous acclamations the hardy soldier's return from the war, let us pause to drop a tear for

THE FALLEN THAT DO NOT COME.

The desolated home of the departed soldier should be relieved by our charities, and soothed by our sympathies.

* It was estimated that 70,000 victims were sacrificed at the coronation of Montezuma. The ordinary number of sacrifices, annually, was very large before the conquest of Mexico by Cortes. The total loss of both nations, in the late war, does not exceed 12,000. This estimate does not embrace the deaths from disease. A complete report is not yet made. The saving of life was great, in consequence of the conquest of ancient Mexico, and it will be great during the next century, in consequence of the war just closed. See Appendix Y.

The death of a soldier is an event of the nation, and fraught with a nation's consequence. It is not a loss, but a public gain; not an alternative of chance, but of duty. It is the death of the body, that the soul of man may live in still greater freedom. It is not without good reason that the death of a soldier in the service of his country has always been regarded as an event of honorable notice. His acts have helped a nation's progress, and his lot has made more precious a nation's rights.

It is a thoughtless and cruel sympathy that would raise no stone to mark the soldier's grave, or to seek to deck its mound with nought but withered flowers; to be willing to forget the form that perished at the post of duty, and to sadden the hearts of those who clung to it in affection while in life, by the irreverent reflections that a soldier's death has no place in the great book of Providence! that it is wrong, a meanless event of sin, a loss, a blank, forbidden by God, and sanctioned by no good man. We can see in this no light of wisdom, no act of piety. It is a cheerless view of man to look only on the objects of life, without regarding the painful sacrifices which lead to their attainment; to seem to be ignorant of the truth that death is a law of our nature, a condition of progress.

THEN LET THE SOLDIER'S GRAVE BE HONORED!

Let his deeds be cherished. It is not for the selfish looker-on, surrounded by all his comforts and studying no good but his own, to measure the glory of those who give up home and all that is near and dear, to serve their country on the field of danger. The former dies in his cot, and his end is from disThe latter dies on the field, and his end is a sacrifice on the altar of patriotism. 13*

ease.