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Late at e'en, drinking the wine,
And ere they paid the lawing,
To fight it in the dawing.' We know how his lady urged him to stay at hame;' and how, when she found her pleadings of no avail to turn her lord from the path to which his honour bound him, she, like the true Border woman she was, “kissed his cheek, and kaimed his hair,' and belted him with his noble brand :
"And he's awa to Yarrow.' Then comes the last stern conflict to him, and the weary hours of heart-sickening suspense to her.
· Yestreen I dreamed a dolefu' dream;
I fear there will be sorrow!
Wi' my true love on Yarrow.
From where my love repaireth,
And tell me how he fareth!' At last is brought to her the sad message, 'to come and lift 'her le afu' lord,' now sleeping sound on Yarrow. With dool and sorrow'she
She searched his wounds all thorough,
On the dowie holms of Yarrow.
For a' this breeds but sorrow;
lost on Yarrow."
Ye mind me but of sorrow :
Than now lies cropped on Yarrow.”' Upon this simple thread of song, this old unhappy far-off 'thing,' Hamilton of Bangor framed his more elaborate poem of ‘Busk ye, busk ye, my bonny, bonny bride,' which, , though highly artificial in structure, and burdened with much redundancy of phrase, has yet enshrined within it the true spirit of Yarrow song, its sorrow and sadness, its love unquenchable. Logan followed with his finer and more direct strain, “Thy braes are bonny, Yarrow stream,' VOL. CXLVI. NO. CCCXXXIX.
which, however, is based upon a variant of the older tradi
for in this case the lover takes leave of his bride on the eve of their wedding-day, and is seen no more in life.
"They sought him east, they sought him west,
They sought him all the Forest thorough ;
They only heard the roar of Yarrow.'
"She found his body in the stream,
And now with him she sleeps in Yarrow.' But it was not till Wordsworth wandered north from Rydal that the rose-red flower of Yarrow's pathos and pain pulsed into everlasting bloom; that its solemn and tender beauty became the inheritance of all. Scott had sung for us its chivalry and romance, and Hogg its old-world legendary lore; but it was reserved for Wordsworth to discover the secret springs of its power over the human heart, and to give the feelings of all expression through his own. This is the golden gift which every great poet bequeaths to the world. Yarrow opened its heart to the poet, and he his to us.
• Meek loveliness is round thee spread,
A softness still and holy,
And pastoral melancholy.' The very soul of Yarrow is in the verse; the expression is perfect. No one can doubt this who has ever stood in Yarrow vale, amid the silence of its far-receding hills—a silence intensified, not broken, by the low murmur of the haunted stream; and with a light like that of dreamland lying over all.
ART. II.-1. Projet d'Empoisonnement de Mahomet II. Par
M. DE Mas LATRIE. Archives de l'Orient Latin. Tome I.
Paris : 1881. 2. Errori Vecchi e Documenti Nuovi. Da RINALDO FULIN.
Atti del Reale Istituto Veneto. Tom. ottavo. Serie
quinta. Venice: 1881. 3. Secrets d'Etat de Venise. Par VLADIMIR LAMANSKY.
St. Petersburg: 1884. Tthree works whose titles stand at the head of this
article bave raised and, we believe, exhausted the charge against the Venetian Council of Ten as regards the use of poison for political purposes. Hitherto the question has appeared under various aspects. Popular opinion, formed by the pen of romancers, has painted the Ten as a dark, mysterious body, employing all the horrors of dungeons, torture, poison, to heighten the terror which its name inspired. More critical students of Venetian history have been inclined, on the other hand, to treat this popular opinion as a gross exaggeration. Now we know the whole truth on the subject of State poisonings in Venice. The careful examinations of the archives of the Ten by those patient students, M. Fulin and M. Lamansky, leave few, if any, new documents to be discovered. And we are able to measure, upon the fullest evidence, the culpability or the innocence of the governing Council in the Venetian Republic.
In his Projet d’Empoisonnement' M. de Mas Latrie brought serious charges of political immorality against the Council of Ten, and declared that le dépouillement intégral * et sincère de tout ce qui reste des archives du Conseil
impose à la conscience des écrivains Vénitiens' who intend to so defend their country against the charge. To this challenge the late M. Fulin replied, in the same year, by his articles entitled “Errori Vecchi e Documenti Nuovi;' and four years later M. Lamansky, in his vast collection of documents, completes M. Fulin's labours, and, at the same time, renews M. de Mas Latrie's charge against the Republic.
The whole subject of assassinations in Italy possesses a sinister interest. It includes those terrible and picturesque stories which have so often served the pen of our playwrights; tragedies that find their home peculiarly in Italy of the Renaissance; the stories of the Cenci, Vittoria Accoramboni, Lorenzino de' Medici, Caraffa, and many others. These dark passages form the romance of history rather than belong to history itself in its higher departments. But the widest and deepest interest which attaches to such episodes of crime and blood lies rather in the general question which they raise. How are we to explain the attitude of a people refined, cultivated, far from brutal in their tastes and in their vices, who yet freely admitted the use of such atrocious weapons as the poisoned dagger and cup? and that, too, not merely in private life, where the fury of revenge may account for the horror of many deaths, but even in their political relations with foreign powers, where these revolting weapons were necessarily used in cold blood, and where treachery was adopted with as little scruple as open war is now declared.
It is this phenomenon of murder justified as a weapon, and admitted in the code of international law, that attracts and rivets our attention. That we have not exaggerated the frequency of attempted assassination the books under discussion will abundantly prove. That we do not over-estimate the sanction of assassination will be made clear by the following passages taken from a variety of authorities upon political ethics; although we must remember that the whole question was, as Cocceius has it, materia intricata admo* dum et hactenus non satis extricata. St. Thomas Aquinas in the famous passage of his 'Summa' says, “It is not • lawful to slay anyone except upon the public authority and for the common weal.' 'He who exercises the public
authority and kills a man in his own defence justifies his ' action on the ground of the commonweal.' Again, Baldus declares, “It is lawful to slay your enemy by poison.' Cocceius argues that assassins and poisons are not admissible weapons in time of war, unless the war may be absolutely terminated by their means. Grotius is even more explicit: 'Quem interficere liceat,' he says, 'eum gladio aut ' veneno interimas nihil interest, si jus naturæ respicias; and he confirms this dictum by adding that 'to slay your ' enemy wherever you find him is sanctioned not only by the ' law of nature, but also by the law of nations; nor will it serve to prove the contrary that those who are arrested for such acts are put to death in torments, for that is only ' another proof of the law of nations that against foes all is
permissible ;' upon which Gronovius remarks, ' And there'fore you may slay your enemy when he is unarmed, ' unawares, even asleep. And this is what Burlamaqui has upon the point: 'To the question whether the assassination * of a foe be lawful, I reply yes, if the agent of the assassina
• tion be a subject of the prince who employs him. We would call attention to this curious reservation made by Burlamaqui; it introduces a new point in political ethics, a point to which we shall presently return. Finally, Puffendorff decides that war, while it lasts, breaks all bonds of reciprocal rights and duties, and that in taking arms against us our enemy has granted us an unlimited faculty to employ against him all possible acts of hostility.
So far, then, the lawyers. If we turn to the Church, we find the same principles enunciated with even greater frankness, especially as regards tyrannicide. The churchmen were, of course, influenced by the examples of Jael, Judith, and others. Mariana de Rege et Regis Institutione, cap. vi., speaking of the assassination of Henry III. by Jacques Clement, says, 'Nuperque in Gallia monumentum nobile est 'constitutum ... quo Principes doceantur impios ausus ‘baud impune cadere;' and adds, doubtless referring to St. Thomas, that Clement learned from the theologians that it is lawful to slay a tyrant. Mariana observes, it is true, that the Council of Constance had condemned this doctrine, but no Pope had ever approved the condemnation, and therefore it was invalid in the eyes of good churchmen. For a general defence of assassination and easements for the same we will refer our readers to that curious collection of Jesuitical opinions compiled, under the title of Artes
Jesuiticæ,' by Cristianus Alethophilus;' warning them, however, that the compilation is hostile.
The passages we have just cited abundantly prove the laxity of view upon this question of assassination—a laxity which began in Italy, but spread all over Europe during the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. On the part of lawyers, as on the part of churchmen, there was a steady and determined attempt to bring the crime of assassination within the pale of international and of ecclesiastical law. This is the phenomenon which we propose to study—to trace its origin, its growth, its justification, the reasons which induced men to accept so monstrous a proposition, its inherent weakness, and its failure.
In examining the documents before us we see that the assassinations with which they deal fall under four heads : tyrannicide, political assassination, executionary assassination, and private assassination. The attitude of men's minds towards assassination varied as the kind varied. Executionary assassination, the murder of a fugitive criminal, sanctioned or even invited by the government from