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governments of France and England the decree of the 24th February, which nominated me regent of Belgium, and credential letters were delivered to Belgic agents at these two courts with the title and rank of ministers plenipotentiary.

The French government admitted, without hesitation, our minister, who took rank along with foreign diplomatic agents accredited to the courts of the Palais Royal. His majesty, Louis Philip, did me the honor of addressing to me by his autograph letter of the 19th of March last, congratulations on my accession to the regency, and expressed to me at the same time, and in formal terms, the lively and invariable interest which he takes in Belgium.

It was by this first act that Louis Philip began to realize the promises which he had made me in February last, when I had the honor of taking leave of him. He then said, on taking me by the hand, 'Tell the Belgic nation that I give them my hand in the person of the president of the congress, and that the Belgians may always reckon on my friendship.'

We were not so fortunate with the cabinet of St James's. -Our minister was not received with anything but civility (officiousment) by the English ministry; and the national honor not permit ting me to leave him longer in an equivocal situation, I ordered him to be recalled.

The ministry, in the mean time, wishing to put an end to the unsatisfactory result of the

provisional state of a regency, and to close the revolution by a definitive government, had sent to our agent in London instructions to sound the dispositions of his royal highness the prince of Saxe Coburg, but obstacles of mere etiquette paralyzed the intended effects.

In the interval other men were called to the ministry, and the new ministers followed the indirect proceedings of their predecessors. What passed on that subject is known to you. You know, gentlemen, how the happy termination has been brought about, at which we are this day present.

I shall not, gentlemen, detain you with any observations on the acts of my regency. I shall confine myself to saying, that the effervescence of the passions incidental to our revolutionary state, the stagnation of commercial business, anxiety about the future fortunes of our country, have brought about events and caused embarrassments which have prevented the government from occupying itself as efficaciously as would have been desirable, with the institutions which are destined to complete the work of our political regeneration.

In the state of threatened hostilities with our neighbors, the government was under the necessity of devoting its chief attention. to the army. The infantry has been considerably increased and organized, the formation of the cavalry has been completed, the artillery has been put on a respectable footing, the service of the commissariat, of the hospitals,

and of transports, has been secured; and, finally, by the side of the regular army another army is formed in the ranks of the civic guard, equally impatient to measure its strength with the enemy. The concert of all the citizens, who, forgetting the spirit of party, are going to range themselves round the throne, will not contribute less than the courage and excellent spirit of our army, to support negotiations, to obtain an honorable peace, to consolidate our independence, and, if need be, to defend the integrity of our territory.

Our finances are in as prosperous a state as circumstances would permit, and the levy of the taxes is effected as easily as in profound peace.

If I have been, gentlemen, happy enough to aid in leading into port the vessel of the state, (for I regard the accession of prince Leopold to the throne of Belgium, and the recognition of him by the majority of the great powers of Europe, as the termination of our glorious revolution and the establishment of our liberties), if I have been able to accomplish any good, far be it from me to ascribe the merit to myself. No, gentlemen, I claim on ly the smallest share; for I confess, in the face of the nation and of all Europe, that without the special protection of Providence, no human prudence could have foreseen either the events or their results, nor could it have directed them in the interests of our country.

It was likewise in the noble firmness of the congress, and in

the wisdom of our deliberations, that I have found the most powerful support. Permit me, therefore, gentlemen, to address to you the expression of my lively and sincere gratitude.

But, gentlemen, let us declare that our task has been rendered very easy, by the excel ent qualities of the Belgic people-a people as submissive to the laws, as docile to the voice of the chiefs who deserve its confidence, as it has shown itself jealous of its rights and impatient of the yoke of arbitrary power-of that people so courageous in battle, so firm in its resolutions-of that people essentially moral, of whom history will say, that during eleven months of revolution, and of privations among the most numerous class, with the excep tion of some excesses evidently provoked, there were never fewer crimes; of that people whose devotion and love will always be the recompense of a good government.

It is with the most perfect security, gentlemen, that I commit the destinies of this good people into the hands of a prince, whose noble character and private vir tues are the best guarantees for those which he shall display from the throne.

With the most heartfelt emotion I may now say, I have seen the dawn of happiness opening on my country. I have lived long enough.

I deposit in your hands, gentlemen, the powers which you had confided to me, and I beg you to be so good as to record my declaration.

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M. de Gaeriache replied to him in the following terms :

Sir, the Regent-When I told you five months ago, in the midst of the congress that elected the temporary head of the nation, your nomination was ratified by the unanimous acclamations of your former colleagues, and the whole Belgic nation - that this spontaneous elevation was a tribute paid to your virtues by your equals a testimony of profound gratitude for the services that you have rendered to the country, and an appeal to new services — we could easily judge from your preceding conduct, what line you would have followed in the elevated situation to which your colleagues and the whole nation raised you.

To have enjoyed great power without having for a moment abused it to have remained always the same under the most trying causes, is a fact that will appear quite rational to those who know your character. I merely repeat what every body says. History will one day respect the conciliatory part you have acted amidst divergent opinions and fermenting parties. It will say that the national assembly, desiring to place in the hands of an individual, powers till then too much divided, sought for one who should displease nobody; who should have the esteem and confidence of all, and be willing to devote himself for his country. You, sir, were this man. History will say that this man having exercised a part of the royal prerogative during a revolution of five months, has not

lost a single friend or made a single enemy.

It is in the name of the congress, and of the nation, that I thank you. I venture to say that you have fulfilled our expectations, which you have just resigned to this assembly.

Loud acclamations followed this speech; and the king, having taken the oath and signed the process verbat, delivered the following sreech:—

'Gentlemen. The solemn act which has been performed completes the social edifice commenced by the patriotism of the nation and its representatives. The state is definitively constituted in the form prescribed by the constitution itself. This constitution emanates entirely from you, and this circumstance, owing to the situation in which the country has been placed, seems to me to be fortunate. It prevents collisions which might arise between the different powers and impair the harmony that ought to prevail between them. The promptness with which I have repaired to Belgium must have convinced. you that, faithful to my word, I have delayed coming among you only till the obstacles which oppose my accession to the throne. could be removed by yourselves.

The various considerations which have been adduced in the important discussion which produced this result, will be the subject of my most serious deliberation.

I have received, from my entrance on the Belgic territory, marks of affection and good will,

for which I still feel equal emotion and gratitude.

At the sight of the population, ratifying by their acclamations the act of the national representation I could not but be convinced that I was called by the wish of the country, and I felt all the duties that such a reception imposes

on me.

A Belgian by your adoption, I shall also make it my duty to be so always by my policy.

I have also been received with extreme kindness in that part of the French territory through which I passed, and I have considered these testimonies of good will, which I highly value, a presage of the relations of confidence which ought to subsist between the two countries.

courage all the means of amelioration; and it is in the places themselves that I have already begun to do so, and that I intend to collect the information which is the best calculated to guide the cause of the government in this respect.

union.

Gentlemen, I have accepted the crown which you offered me only with a view to perform a task equally noble and usefulthat of consolidating the institutions of a generous people, and to maintain its independence. My heart knows no other ambi tion than that of seeing you hap py. On so affecting a solemnity, I must also express to you one of my most ardent wishes. The nation issues from a violent crisis. May this day efface all hatred, stifle all resentments; may one The result of every political only thought animate all Belgians commotion is to affect for a time that of a frank and sincere the welfare of the people. I am too sensible of its importance not to direct my immediate attention and most active solicitude to revive commerce and manufactures which are the vivifying principles of national prosperity. The relations which I have formed in the countries which are our neighbors will second, I hope, the efforts which I shall immediately make to attain this end; but I take pleasure in believing that the Belgian people, so remarkable both for good sense and resignation, will give credit to the government for the difficulties of a position connected with a state of distress, which at this moment affects all Europe.

I intend to avail myself of every kind of information, to en

I shall esteem myself happy to concur in this noble result, which has been so well prepared by the wisdom of the venerable man, who has devoted himself with such noble patriotism in the salvation of his country.

If

Gentlemen, I hope to be a pledge of peace and tranquillity to Belgium; but the expectations of man are not infallible. notwithstanding all sacrifices to preserve peace, we should be threatened with war, I should not hesitate to appeal to the Belgian people, and I hope that it will, without exception, rally around its sovereign for the defence of the country, and the national independence.

GERMANY.

Public Protocol of the twentysecond Sitting of the Diet of the Germanic Confederation, held 28th June, 1832.

Present, Austria, Prussia, Bavaria, Saxony, Hanover, Wirtemberg, Baden, Hesse electoral, grand duchy of Hesse, Denmark, duchy of Luxembourg, grand ducal and ducal houses of Saxony, Brunswick, and Nassau, the two Mecklenbourgs, Oldenbourg, Anhalt, Schwarsbourg, Hohenzollern, &c., and the free towns of Lubeck, Frankfort, Bremen, and Hamburgh.

Measures for the support of legal order and tranquillity in the Germanic confederation.

The Austrian ambassador, president of the diet, declared that the present state of affairs in Germany had only attracted the attention of the emperor as long as the excitement of the people's minds was no more than might be expected, from the great events in which other countries were involved. His majesty hoped that public opinion would be influenced by the preponderance which the calm and well disposed majority must have among a people whose virtues and eminent qualities are the admiration of Europe. His imperial majesty having, however, perceived with great sorrow, that Germany was hastening with gigantic strides to a revolution, resolved to consult his august ally, the king of Prussia, to consider in common the state of Germany, and subsequently, together with the king,

to discuss, with the other German governments, the measures which the present state of things imperatively demands.

In consequence of various conferences with all the members of the confederation, the object of which was the desire to maintain that which exists loyally and in accordance with the law of nations, and to fulfil the duties imposed on them, to watch over the welfare of the people confided to them, the ministers of Austria and Prussia are commissioned to

make to the diet the following communication. (Want of room obliges us to omit this communication and the debate, and we proceed to the conclusion of the protocol.)

The following resolution was unani

mously adopted:

All the governments of the confederation, gratefully acknowledging the attention, (of which the emperor of Austria and the king of Prussia have given new proofs), to the general welfare of Germany, have unanimously resolved as follows:

1. Considering that by art. 57 of the final act concluded at Vienna, all the powers of the state must remain united in the head of the state, and that the sovereign, by the constitution of the states, can be limited only in the exercise of certain rights by the co-operation of the states, every

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