their acknowledged rights, but also to see that these are respected and observed by others. From the brief explanation which I have just given you, you must have satisfied yourselves that our Association is not a political party, and has no connection with any of the organized parties of the day. Nor will it lend itself to the personal advancement of individuals, or listen to the cravings of any partisan spirit. It was organized in order to carry out certain great principles, from which it must never swerve by favoring private ambitions and political aspirations. These, as well as all sentiments of private enmity, animosity and other personal feelings, we must leave at the door before we enter this Council. You may meet here, congregated together, men who belong to all the political organizations which now divide, or may divide, this country; you see some whom embittered feuds and irreconcilable hatred have long and widely separated; they have all cast away these rankling feelings to unite cordially and zealously in the labors of our great undertaking. Let their example be to you a useful lesson of the disinterestedness and devotedness which should characterize our efforts for the success of our cause! Initiation Oath of the White Brotherhood Ku Klux Report, South Carolina testimony, p. 653. This version was given from memory by a former member. [1871] You solemnly swear in the presence of Almighty God that you will never reveal the name of the person who initiated you; and that and that you will never reveal what is now about to come to your knowledge; and that you are not now a member of the Red String Order, Union League, Heroes of America, Grand Army of the Republic, or any other organization whose aim and intention is to destroy the rights of the South, or of the States, or of the people, or to elevate the negro to a politi cal equality with yourself; and that you are opposed to all such principles: So help you God. The '76 Association Constitution of the "76 Association. A Louisiana organization. PREAMBLE [1869] To oppose by all peaceful and lawful means in our power, the usurpations of the Radical party. To uphold the principles of the United States Constitution as established and interpreted by its framers. To vindicate the history of the South from the malignant and systematic assaults and aspersions of the Press, Pulpits, and Politicians of the Radical party. To place before the world the true position of the South during the recent war, and her conditions at the present time. To form a nucleus around which the true men of the South may rally in contending for these great ends. To promote the material interests of the South. And, further, as an auxiliary to this association, to establish and maintain in the City of New Orleans, a newspaper which shall be devoted to the advancement, advocacy, and dissemination of the principles. The Council of Safety Ku Klux Report, South Carolina testimony, p. 102. Statement of E. W. Seibels, secretary of the Union Reform party. [1871] WHAT led to it was this: the manner in which the people had become excited over the election [1870], the arming of the colored people, the insolent manner in which they conducted. themselves at the election, the manner in which we had been. counted out of the election, and the ballot-boxes had been stuffed. The people became so very much excited that we thought we were in imminent danger; we thought a war of races was very probable. Shortly after the election the executive committee of the Union Reform party was called together for consideration, and to that conference was invited a number of.. representative men from the different portions of the State, to consult for the public good, and to consider what we could do to avert such an awful calamity as a war of races - would be. After a thorough discussion of the matter, . . considering that we were not allowed to organize, and not allowed to have any of the public arms, we thought it absolutely necessary that we should have some sort of organization for the protection of our families. A committee was appointed to draw up a plan of organization, which we believed would afford some sort of protection to the people in case there should be an outbreak. The committee produced what is called "the constitution of the council of safety." It was not submitted to the executive committee and the other gentlemen for several weeks after that. Contrary to our expectations the excitement passed off, the people became comparatively quiet, and not much interest was taken in our plan after we had got it up, because we believed that the crisis had passed, and that it was hardly worth while to organize at all. When the manuscript of that "council of safety" was read to me, I was very unwell at the time and suggested no amendments to it. It did not meet my approbation, inasmuch as I thought it was too complicated, that there was too much detail about it, and I did not think it would take on that account. It was published, however, and I sent it to a number of the counties. Young Men's Democratic Club Ku Klux Report, vol. xiii, p. 227. Statement of J. J. Williams of Florida, president of the club. This organization also existed in Virginia. [1871] THE cause of this organization was this: After the election . . there were a great many frauds committed there at Tallahassee in respect to the ballot box; the white people, who in the county numbered about one to seven of the colored people, were not allowed to vote; were crowded out from the polls. The colored people were brought up there in squads of from eight to ten and fifteen deep, and from one to two hundred yards long, and it was really worth your life to go in there. In that state of affairs this organization was got up. On the days of election. . I myself, as the chief, gave instructions to the commanders of hundreds; they gave their instructions to commanders of fifties, and they to the commanders of tens; that on the day of election order must be maintained at all hazards. If a man belonging to the club appeared at the polls with secret arms he must be arrested and confined until the election was over; if he appeared there in liquor it was the same; and consequently we had perfect order at elections. . . Before the war, years ago, we had here a very similar process; it never has been resorted to since, but that was twentyfive or thirty years ago. We had down in this country what was called regulators. Whenever they notified a man to leave he left. If it had not been for this organization, with the men at the head of it, we could not have been protected. . from the colored people, and from the men who were urging them on. A Defensive Organization Ku Klux Report, Alabama testimony, p. 1487. Statement of J. J. Garrett, Demopolis, Alabama. There were hundreds, perhaps, of orders like this one. [1871] THERE were no oaths, that I remember, except a promise to obey the signals that would have called the parties together; they were to meet at the ringing of the bell; to meet armed, without disguises; a captain was elected. . . Threats were . . made to burn the town. We felt that it was incumbent upon us to protect the women and children of the town; to have an organization upon which we could rely. We did have an organization, and provision was made for its being armed, and for our meeting promptly with our arms at a certain place. We had officers. The purpose was the protection of property and lives, and the safety of the citizens of the place. We had no signal except the ringing of the bell, to get together. The White League [1874] House Report no. 101, 43 Cong., 2 Sess., part ii, pp. 194, 213. Extracts (1) from the Constitution of the Crescent City White League, and (2) from the Louisiana White League platform. [1] THE object of this club is to assist in restoring an honest and intelligent government to the State of Louisiana; to drive incompetent and corrupt men from office; and by a union with all other good citizens, the better to maintain and defend the constitution of the United States, with all laws made in pursuance thereof; and to maintain and protect and enforce our rights, and the rights of all citizens thereunder. [2] From the time that the right of suffrage was.. accorded too hastily to a race in the infancy of freedom, we firmly resolved that it was our duty, and a wise expediency, to accept the policy of the reconstruction laws in their full scope. We endeavored at once to address ourselves to the intelligence of the negro, to explain to him that slavery having been forever abolished, he, as a citizen possessing all the rights of white citizens, had the same interests, and the same duties as the white men. . . We invited him to our meetings, we called him to our platforms, we placed some of them upon our tickets. Election after election they turned a deaf ear to us; treated all our advances with distrust and suspicion; unhesitatingly followed the leadership of men whom they knew to be unworthy and dishonest, and, with scarcely an exception invariably voted like a body of trained soldiers obeying a word of command. We still hoped that time and experience would give them discretion. . . We thought that a right which they owed to the white race would not be persistently used by them to accomplish the ruin of the white men. In this hope we have been most grievously disappointed. . . Any one who has been to their meetings, or overheard their private conversations, knows that they dream of the gradual exodus of the whites, which will leave Louisiana to their exclu sive control, like another Hayti. The increasing spirit of caste founded on the most absurd inversion of the relations of race, shows itself in every form. Their incessant demands for of |