THE ACTION OF THE SOUTHERN

STATES.

73

tion of the resolution demonstrated the influ- | ber 28th, inclosing a resolution adopted. ence which the South Carolina politicians February 16th, 1858, by the Texas legislature, wielded over Georgia, and proved that the proposing a Convention of Southern States, Union or compromise sentiment, as repre- "to preserve the equal rights of the States in sented by Mr. Stephens, was in the minority. the Union." Nothing came of the propoIt was telegraphed from Washington, De- | sition, very few, even of the governors, rescember 13th, that "private accounts from ponding. Georgia state that the Conservatives, under the lead of Stephens, Johnson, Jenkins, and others, are in strong hopes of carrying a majority of the members of the State Convention, and that the conciliatory tone of the Republicans will do much to strengthen Southern conservatives."

Texas.

In Texas the secessionists found a stumbling block in Governor Houston, who refused to convene the Legislature. Not to be thwarted, the member for Gonzales issued a circular to the members, inviting them to meet at Austin, at an early day, to consider what action was necessary. As an evidence of the small strength of the executive or judicial authority to enforce regularity, we may advert to the proceedings of Judge Perkins, Chief-Justice of Brazoria county, who issued an official notice of an election to be held on December 3d, to select five delegates to a State Convention which was to be held at Galveston, or elsewhere, January 8th. The call said:

"Recognizing the right of the people-particularly such a number as convened to-day-to command me to perform any laudable duty for them, I obey this request promptly and with a hearty good will."

It was announced, December 8th, that there is an understanding between the members of the Legislature of Texas that the Legislature should meet at Austin, on the 17th of December, without a formal call from the Governor, and it is understood that the Legislature will call a State Convention, on the 8th of January."

The scheme embraced, as in South Carolina, a repudiation of the obligations of their own State Constitution. It was a revolution against their own constituted authority, as well as against the General Government.

Governor Houston, evidently anticipating these efforts at revolution, issued a circular to the governors of the Southern States, Novem

Maryland.

The Democrats of Maryland assembled in State Convention in Baltimore, December 6th, passing, among other resolutions, the following:

66 Resolved, That we deplore the action taken by our sister State of South Carolina, and earnestly protest against an ordinance of secession on her part as being unconstitutional, disorganizing and precipitate, and unfriendly, if not arrogant, toward the counsels and situations of the other Slaveholding States; and

we believe that such act of secession will weaken

and must divide their ultimate position; and while we declare for cooperation, we will firmly resist be

ing dragged into secession. Maryland will not stand remind her, by the memories of the Revolution, that such purpose cannot be justified; and, in conclusion, in a fraternal spirit, we entreat South Carolina to suspend all further action until such measures of peaceful adjustment have first been tried and have failed."

as a sentinel at the bidding of South Carolina, and we

This, conjoined to the firm attitude of Governor Hicks, seemed to place the State beyond reach of the Secessionists. It was reported, however, that a secret organization existed in Baltimore, composed of some of the worst elements of society, whose purpose was to aid in carrying the State out of the Union, against the Governor's resistance. It was announced to number twenty-two hundred men, on the 9th of December.

Virginia.

The Union sentiment in Virginia had emphatic public expression, on the evening of December 5th, when a complimentary dinner was given to the Bell-Everett electors. The gathering embraced eminent and leading men, and the speeches made were of a strongly Union character. Among the toasts presented and warmly responded to, were: "The Constitutional Union party of Virginia ;" " Virgi. nia in the Union;" "The Union;" "The Conservative Men of all the States," &c., &c.

The people and the press of the State remained, during the early part of December,

The State Legislature, convened in extra session, provided for a Convention

Louisiana.

widely divided in feeling, though the majority appeared opposed not only to precipitate action, but favored schemes of compromise. Even John Tyler, Mr. Hunter, Judge to assemble January 23d. The feeling in the Mason, and ex-Governor Wise were under-State was rapidly becoming as unanimous as stood to favor compromise, though the latter in the adjoining States. The Legislature apwas so imperative in his radical demands as to render his terms simply impracticable. His campaign against John Brown seemed to have left the impression on his mind that the entire Republican and Douglas parties were to be treated to the rope as the only hope of Virginia.

propriated five hundred thousand dollars for arming the State. A Commissioner was named by the Governor to confer with the authorities of the States. The Legislature adjourned, sine die, Dec. 12. The position assumed by Mr. Benjamin, in the U. S. Senate, reflected the feeling and purposes of his State.

CHAPTER X.

PROCEEDINGS OF CONGRESS CONTINUED. SECOND WEEK. IMPORTANT PRELIMINARY PROCEEDINGS. THE FUTILITY

OF COMPROMISE FORESHADOWED.

Caucus of Southern
Senators.

Union Saving
Scheme.

A CAUCUS of Southern | During the recess, (DeSenators was held Saturday cember 7th, 8th, 9th,) many evening, December 8th, to schemes of adjustment were exchange views and concert action. No doubt proposed. It would appear, indeed, that was expressed by Senators from Georgia, almost every member had some balm for the Alabama, Mississippi, Florida, and South disunion sore. One scheme, announced as Carolina, but that their States would secede having obtained much favor, provided, first: by ordinances. Senators present from those The territory shall not be acquired otherStates represented that no interposition now wise than by treaty. Second: the whole incould arrest that first step, though their ulti-habitants of any territory numbering 20,000 mate relation to the Union might be affected shall have the right to elect all officers necesby future developments. Messrs. Bayard, sary for its government under the rules prePearce, Nicholson, Powell, and Crittenden scribed by an act of Congress; and the Legiswere in favor of making every effort to pro-lature thereof may determine whether to tect the rights of the South in the Union. | recognize Slavery or not during its TerritoMr. Mason also favored the same view, while requiring guarantees and expressing misgivings as to the result. Mr. Hunter was willing to go farther for conciliation than his recent letter indicated. Mr. Brown advocated immediate secession as the only remedy. Mr. Davis thought other means should be ex-admission, it shall be admitted into the hausted before proceeding to that extremity. Union, whatever may be its provisions in reMr. Slidell was among the most ultra, and gard to Slavery, upon an equal footing with declared that Louisiana could not be re- the original States. Fourth: that Congress strained from taking position with the Se-shall not interfere with Slavery where it exceding States, even if her Representatives in Congress were opposed to that policy. Mr. Iverson was not present.

rial existence. Third: whenever any Territory, preparatory to its assuming a State sovereignty, having white inhabitants equal to the number required for a representative in Congress, and having submitted its Constitution to a vote of the people, applies for

ists under the sanction of law, nor shall it prohibit the transportation of slaves from one Slave State to another. We give this one of

SIGNIFICANT

RESOLUTIONS.

75

scenes of murder between the two races as has never been seen or heard of in the world's history.

Such, in my opinion, is the inevitable result, and such is the policy of the Free States. They understand, as well as I do, how these things work out,

and it is especially their course to bring about this very state of things, and in that very form. Long before these events occur the Free States will be swelled by a majority that is irresistible. The Border States will be free, the Territories west will be planted into States by the hot-bed process of North

many propositions to indicate somewhat the direction Congressional sentiment was taking., Most of the plans, in one way or another, proposed a restoration of the Missouri Compromise line as the basis of adjustment. Monday was spent in the Senate, in mere interchanges of opinion. A number of Senators made remarks-all expressive of a wish for the adjustment of differences, except those made by the Gulf State Senators. The views of Messrs. Douglas, Crittenden, Bigler, La-ern abolition emigration, and the South will be lying * They comtham, King, Dixon, all were characterized by at the very feet of the North. * * moderation, and gave promise of harmony of plain of us that we make so much noise and confuaction. In the House the question of excusing Mr. Hawkins, of Florida, from serving on the Committee of Thirty-three, was discussed by Messrs. Hawkins, Vallandigham, McClernard, Sickles, &c. No conclusion was arrived at. The next day (Tuesday) was consumed in the discussion, but without a vote. In the Senate, Tuesday, an important speech was made by Iverson, of Georgia, in the course of which he declared against compromise or settlement upon any terms. He said, among other things :

Iverson's Speech.

:

sion about the Fugitive Slave law when we do not lose any slaves; but it is not for the want of good faith in the Northern States, so far as the reclamation of fugitive slaves is concerned, that the Southern States are moving in this great revolution. We look infinitely beyond this petty loss of a few negroes. We know what is coming. Sir, in this Union, it is universal emancipation, and the turning loose upon society, in the Southern States, of the mass of corruption which will be made by emancipation. And we intend to avoid it if we can.

I do

not believe any concessions can be obtained; and if they are obtained, of what value would they be, granted in a state of fear? I do not use this word in any offensive sense. But the North, if it yields at all, yields to the fear that the South is going to dis

lasts. * * * I believe the question is settled, and no power this side of Heaven can avert the result

South Carolina has determined to risk all on this die,

"I tell the Senators here to. day that the Southern people will never be satisfied with anysolve the Union. What value would such concesthing short of Congressional protection to Slavery in sions be to the South? None, sir, as long as a vitithe Territories. We know our rights under the constitution. We stand as equal States in this Confede-ated public sentiment of abolition exists. And when racy, and we are entitled to equal participation in is that going to decay? Never, so long as the Union the common property. We know well that we never can enjoy equal possession of the territories without protection to our property. I know well where the Wilmot proviso and non-intervention squatter sovereignty would lead. It would lead to the total exclusion of the Southern States from any Territory which is now possessed, or may be hereafter acquired. We will never submit to any such dictation as that. We are entitled to the protection of our property, and we intend to have it; in the Union if we can get it, and out of the Union if we cannot get it in. * We have now in the United States four millions and a half of slaves. They increase, according to the

*

last Census bill, at the rate of about thirty-two per cent every ten years. If you precipitate all this population into eight or ten Gulf States, we will have, in ten years, 6,000,000, in twenty years we shall have 8,000,000 or 9,000,000, and in thirty years 12,000,000 to 15,000,000. In less than twenty years the slave population of the South will largely preponderate over the white. Then will come universal emancipation by the Federal Government, and such

and other States will follow. Those west of the Mis

sissippi are moving. That this Union is to be dissolved is a fixed fact, and no tinkering of the Con

stitution or of committees of thirty-three or thirteen can avert the consequence."

Wigfall, of Texas, followed this, on Wednesday, with a violent speech to the same purpose as that by Iverson, though much less coherent and dignified.

In the House, Wednesday was literally a day of resolves. Resolutions for "saving the Union" were introduced by twenty-two members. Those by Mr. Sherman, (Republican) of Ohio, attracted the most remark outside the halls of Congress :

"Resolved, That the only true and effectual remedy for the dissensions that now exist be

Significant Reso

lutions.

the Free and Slave States in the Senate; and particularly, whether this end can be accomplished, by a voluntary division, on the part of some of the Slave States, into two or more States.*

Mr. Cochrane, (Democrat) of New York, introduced propositions for amendment to the Constitution, as follows:

"Whereas, a conflict of opinion dangerous to the peace and permanence of the Union has arisen, concerning the true intent and meaning of the Constitution of the United States, in relation to the subject of African Slavery; therefore

"Resolved, by the Senate and House of Representatives, (two-thirds of both Houses concurring) that the following article be proposed as an amendment to the Constitution, which, when ratified by Convention in three-fourths of the several States, shall be valid as part of said Constitution, viz. :

"In all the territory of the United States lying North of thirty-six degrees thirty minutes, and not included within the limits of any of the existing

States, Slavery and involuntary servitude, except in punishment of crime, shall be and is hereby prohibited. Provided that the said Territory, or any por

tion of the same, when admitted as a State, shall be received into the Union with or without Slavery, as its Constitution may prescribe at the time of its admission. That in all territory of the United States lying South of thirty-six degrees thirty minutes, not included within the limits of any existing State, neither Congress nor any Territorial Government shall pass any laws prohibiting or impairing the establishment of Slavery. Provided, always, that the said Territory, or any part of it, when admitted as a State, shall be received into the Union with or without Slavery, as its Constitution may prescribe at the time of admission. Congress shall pass no

Mr. English, (Democrat) of Indiana, came forward with a proposition to give half of the Territories to the South, in which Slavery should be recognized by the resolution of partition. But the most singular proposition came from Mr. Noell, (Democrat) of Missouri, who introduced resolutions instructing the special committee to take into consideration the propriety and necessity of abolishing, by amendment to the Constitution, the office of President, and of establishing, in lieu thereof, an executive council, consisting of three members, to be elected by districts composed of the contiguous States, as near as practicable, each member of said council to be armed with a veto power, such as is now vested in the President; and if such plan be deemed practicable by said special committee, that they report to this House such details thereof as may be necessary to accommodate the same to the existing Constitution of the United States; and that said special committee also be requested to take into con-houn's idea as similar to that of horse's hitched to sideration the means necessary, if any can be each end of a plow, and pulling in opposite direc devised, to restore the equilibrium between tions.

law prohibiting or interfering with the trade in slaves between the Slaveholding States and Territories. The migration or importation of slaves within the United States, or any of the Territories thereof, from any foreign country, is hereby prohibited. No person held to service or labor in any State, or in any Territory of the United States, under the laws thereof, escaping into any other State or Territory of the United States, shall, in consequence of any law or regulation therein, be discharged from such

*This singular scheme of government was Mr. Calhoun's idea of two Presidents strengthened by one from the West. Mr. Benton characterized Cal

1

ADJOURNMENT OF THE

TWO

HOUSES.

78

service or labor, but shall be delivered up on claim of the party to whom such service or labor may be due. The right of transit through, and temporary sojourn in, the several States and Territories of the United States, is hereby guaranteed to all the citizens of the several States and Territories, and their right to the possession and control of their slaves during such sojourn and transit shall not be impugn ed. No law enacted by Congress for the rendition of fugitive slaves shall be in any degree impaired

or impugned by anything contained in the laws or Constitution of any State or Territory, but all such State and Territorial Laws, and all such provisions in any State or other Constitution, shall be null and

void."

The above propositions were severally read and referred to the Committee of Thirty-three. They are given here as indicative of the feeling on the floors of Congress of leading men of each party and section, and are only of interest as such an indication.

In the Senate, on Thursday, Johnson, (Dem.) of Tennessee, introduced important resolutions specifying amendments to the Constitution. Wigfall continued his harangue of the previous day In the House Mr.Morris (Dem.) of Illinois, made another attempt to introduce a resolution declaratory of attachment to the Union: "That we will speak of it as the palladium of our political safety and prosperity; that we will watch its preservation with jealous anxiety; that we will discountenance whoever may suggest even a suspicion that it can in any event be abandoned, and indignantly frown upon the first dawning of every attempt to alienate any portion of our country from the rest, or enfeeble the sacred ties which now link together the various parts; and among other things the resolution declares we regard the perpetuity of the Union as of more value than the temporary triumph

Mr. Adrian, (Dem.) of New Jersey, resolved that non-intervention was the true remedy. Mr. Hindman (Dem.) of Arkansas, proposed amendments to the Constitution expressly recognizing property in slaves where Slavery now exists, or may hereafter exist, and express the denial of the Federal Government to prohibit or interfere with it anywhere, or restrict the trade in slaves between the States; also, to express an agreement to protect Slavery wherever the Federal jurisdiction extends, and guarantee the protection of slaves while passing through the Free States; any any party, or any man; that whatever evils State defeating or impairing the Fugitive or abuses exist under it are fit to be corrected law not to be entitled to representation in within the Union in a peaceful and constituCongress until the nullifying laws be repeal-tional way; that we believe it has sufficient ed, &c.

Mr. Larrabee, (Dem.) of Wisconsin, introduced a resolution recommending the several States to call a Convention for amendments to the Constitution, to the 'end that the people may thus be enabled to confer together in the manner provided in the establishment of the Government, and adopt such measures as in their wisdom may be proper to promote the common welfare of the States.

of

power to redress every wrong and enforce every right growing out of its organization or pertaining to its proper functions; and that it is a patriotic duty to stand by it, as our hope in peace and our defence in war." As on former occasions, Southern men objected to the reception of the resolution, and, under the rules, it was not admitted.

The two Houses adjourned over from Thursday to Monday, Dec. 17th.