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The Majority Report.

which has been reported by the Committee of Thirty-three, and which is now before the House, the law would be rendered more effective to secure the rights of the South, while it would be far less odious to the people of the North. Be this as it may, it has been demonstrated that the per centage of loss on runaway slaves is less than that on horses or any other property. Viewed with reference to the aggregate value of that species of property, the loss is indeed very small.

"Some difficulty in regard to the rendition of fugitives from justice, growing out of local statutes, has arisen. But it would seem to be of easy adjustment, and it is almost the only remaining grievance. When we consider that no effort has been made to secure a peaceful separation of the States under this Government, by the assent of the people in their sovereign capacity, but instead there have been acts of revolution, hostility to the Government, the seizure of its forts, the robbery of its treasure, the exclusion of its jurisdiction, and preparation for war, we are forced to the conclusion that the difficulties growing out of the existence of Slavery, however viewed by the common people, are, so far as the leaders of this revolutionary movement are concerned, but a mere pretence; their real object being to overthrow the Government, that a separate Northern Confederacy of a military character might arise upon theirs.

"What, then, is the duty of the Government under these circumstances? As the Constitution is the paramount law of the land, so it must be the sole guide of every department of the Government in meeting the present emergency. Studiously avoiding the exercise of all new or doubtful powers in legislation, all approaches to forced judicial constructions or of Executive usurpation, the Government must proceed to discharge its constitutional obligations with moderation, with prudence, with wisdom, but with unswerving steadiness and firmness. To this course every officer of the Government is impelled, by the sanction of his oath, by the sacred memories of our fathers, by the past glories of the model Republic of all past time, by the hopes and interests of the teeming millions of our present population, and of all that are to come after us.

"The great feature of our system is, that the people make the laws, and that they obey the laws which they themselves have made. Hence, the Government will appeal to that political sense which exhorts obedience to the laws of the country as the highest duty of the citizen. It will appeal to the moral power in the community. If that appeal be in vain, it will appeal to the judiciary. If the mild arm of the judiciary be not sufficient to execute the

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laws, it will call out the civil
force to sustain the laws. If The Majority Report
that be insufficient, God save

and protect us from the last resort!' If the evil
then comes, the responsibility will not be upon the
Government.

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"The Executive must take care that the laws be faithfully executed.' The Congress must provide for calling forth the militia to execute the laws of the Union, suppress insurrection, and repel invasion;' 'to make all laws which shall be necessary and proper for carrying into execution all the powers vested by the Constitution in the Government of the United States, or in any department or office thereof.' The Constitution makes no provision for releasing any of its officers or agents from the obligation of the oath it requires them to take. However painful the duty thereby imposed upon them may be, it cannot be omitted without involving the destruction of the Government and incurring the guilt of perjury.'

"Nor can there be any beed given to any one of the false or deceitful issues attempted to be raised, such as coercing a State-making war upon a State. All these pleas are fallacious, deceitful, and false, if not traitorous. The Government will act only in the strict line of duty in the discharge of its constitutional functions and obligations, and whatever force it may attempt or use will be strictly on the defensive. Woe to those individuals, or combinations of individuals, who shall persistently violate their Constitutional obligations, and expect protection from a State where no State can rightfully act in the premises!

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The sovereign people of this country have seen fit to embrace all the powers of government into two organic forms-a National Union for national pur poses, with limited and well-defined powers and duties, and State Governments for local purposes. In theory, at least, they cannot conflict with each other, for the reason that the powers of the Federal Government are clearly defined by a written Constitution, which is made supreme in its own sphere, the highest manifestation of State sovereignty to the contrary notwithstanding. So long as the General Government confines itself to its constitutional func. tions, it is absurd, if not treasonable, to characterize the execution of its laws as the coercion of a State.

Nay, more: if any State, forgetful of its just rights and duties, go outside of its own proper sphere to obstruct the due execution of the laws of the Union, by that very act it attempts to coerce the General Government from the exercise of its constitutional powers in the discharge of duties rendered imperative by the Constitution. Should collision ensue, the Government will be acting clearly on the defensive.

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A WEEK OF EXCITEMENT.

489

"It will neither coerce a The Majority Report. State, nor make war upon it. But, if it fail to execute its own laws to the extent of the power conferred, it will be recreant to the highest trust ever conferred by any people, disappoint the hopes of a world, and destroy its own existence. The course of the Government cannot be doubtful, nor the result uncertain. Should the claims of the Secessionists be admitted, and the deceitful dogmas of coercion obtain the endorsement of the people, the revolutionists and their apologists and allies would, in the language of the Constitution's greatest defender, prove themselves ⚫ the most skillful architects of ruin, the most effectual extinguishers of high-raised expectation, the greatest blasters of human hopes, which any age has produced. They would stand up to proclaim, in tones which would pierce the ears of half the human race, that the last great experiment of representative government had failed.'

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"Millions of eyes, of those who now feed their inherent love of Liberty on the success of the American example, would turn away from beholding our dismemberment, and find no place on earth whereon to rest their gratifled sight. Amid the incantations

The Majority Report.

and orgies of secession, dis-
union, and revolution, would be
celebrated the funeral rites of
constitutional and republican Liberty.
"But no such mad schemes can receive the en
dorsement of the great body of the American peo-
ple. We are not Mexicans. We are unaccustomed
to violent disruptions and peaceful reconstruction
of our Government. The Anglo-Saxon race do not
throw away the greatest of all possible benefits in a
mere fit of phrensy. If it required forty years to
make the people of the first of the Seceding States
fully disloyal to the Union, one hundred will not suf-
fice for the great body of the American people to
forget their Revolutionary sires, the rich inheritance
bequeathed by them, the glorious flag of the Union,
or even the slumbering dust of their Washington.
The people will sustain their own Government,
and hold it to the strict line of its constitutional
duty.

"Even holding the olive-branch of peace and conciliation before the emblems of its power, it will meet its stern responsibilities with firm purpose and steady hand-it will rise above all difficulties, and fulfill earth's highest mission."

CHAPTER XXXIX.

CONDITION

.

THE MIS

OF AFFAIRS DURING THE LAST WEEK OF MR. BUCHANAN'S TERM. MR. LINCOLN'S CABINET. THE VIRGINIA CONVENTION. JOHN TYLER WITH HIS MASK OFF SOURI STATE CONVENTION. MR. BUCHANAN'S MESSAGE. PREPARATIONS FOR THE INAUGURATION. HOSTILE ATTITUDE OF THE CONFEDERATE

GOVERNMENT.

ment.

THE week preceding tone of its Convention, conspired to excite a renewed interest in its proceedings.

A Week of Excite- March 4th was one of extreme solicitude and interest. In Washington the important action of Congress on the Corwin report-the reception of the Peace proposition-the selection of Mr. Lincoln's Cabinet-the preparations for the inauguration-contributed to render every day pregnant with concern to the people; while the drift, towards the vortex of secession, of Virginia, by the revolutionary

The adoption, by the House, of the scheme of compromise reported by the majority of the Committee of Thirty-three, has been announced. The rejection of the Peace Convention report resulted from the unwillingness to act upon a second scheme, while the first covered the ground in the more official shape of a regular Congressional committee recommendation.

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total repudiation! The following dispatch conveyed its own moral:

"RICHMOND, Thursday, February 28th, 1961. "Messrs. Tyler and Seddon were serenaded toBoth made speeches, and denounced the night. Peace Conference as a worthless affair. They declared that the South had nothing to hope from the Republican party.

"Mr. Seddon said that the proposition adopted by the Conference was a delusion and a sham, as well as an insult and an offense to the South. "Lieutenant-Governor Montague is now making a secession speech.

"The secession sentiment is increasing among the people, and if any measure of coercion is adopted, the North may rest assured that Virginia will

secede.

John Tyler.

"The Peace Conference is generally condemned." Mr. Tyler thereafter bent his energies to accomplish what was designed from the earliest stages of the excitement in Virginia-her cooperation in the scheme of a Southern Confederacy, where he might possibly become John Tyler redivivus. the Confederacy of which most unfortunately he had been the accidental President, to the country's great detriment, he was unquestionably John Tyler defunctus.

In

The strongest influences had been brought to bear upon the President-elect to bestow a place in his council upon John Bell, of Tennessee, or W. A. Graham, of North Carolina, or upon Mr. Crittenden, of Kentucky; but, the incompatibility of such elements with the counsels which must prevail rendered the choice of either of those eminent men simply impracticable. The composition, as it was, did not give promise of harmony, since both the radical and conservative elements were prominent enough to threaten disagreements on vital points of national and internal policy. The selection, however, was conceded to have been made with extreme sagacity— North Carolina took a vote of the people each man being named to the place for which for and against a Convention, February 28th. he was especially well fitted. Probably no The final result showed a majority over six administration in twenty-four years had em- hundred against holding a State Convention. bodied more practical executive talent. The Missouri State ConThroughout the entire period of his proba-vention met February 28th tion, the President had shown a will and a at Jefferson City, and adway of his own which no influence brought journed March 1st, to meet at St. Louis March to bear could override. This persistance 4th. It was understood to be comprised of gave the country hope that his rule would a large majority of Unionists; but, the prove as vigorous as all felt it would be hon- known disloyalty of Governor Claiborne est. "Honest Old Abe" he was named, Jackson, and of ex-Governor Sterling Price, rendered the results of its deliberations a matter of doubt. The Secession movement, thus far, had been so entirely ordered by a few men, that it was thought not only possible, but probable, the State of Missouri might be "precipitated" at the proper moment.

even by his political opponents.

Unmasked.

The Missouri State
Convention.

John Tyler left Washington, for Richmond, immediately after the adjournment of the Peace Convention, and, as Duplicity and Treason already intimated, lent his influence to "precipitate" Virginia from the Union. One hundred guns The sessions of the Virginia Convention were fired at Washington, February 28th, in were attended, as we have said, with much honor of the Peace compromise. At the same excitement. The Northern and Western secmoment the President and leaders of the tions of the State were represented by UnionConvention called by Virginia hersel, was ists of ability and courage. The Central and denouncing the result and demanding its | Southern portions of "Eastern Virginia"

BELLIGERENT

ATTITUDE OF THE CONFEDERATES.

491

The Virginia State
Convention.

Preparations for the
Inauguration.

were represented by dis- | have taken. The good effect of the measures unionists of a particularly adopted had been evident from the moment virulent character, with of the arrival of the first company. Up to but two or three exceptions. The debates that hour intense excitement prevailed in took a wide range, covering the questions regard to rumored conspiracies and threats of Federal, State and Social relations, and of force; but, the appearance of the military called out talent, in the discussion, which had calmed the public mind, and had given a proved that the "Mother of Presidents" sense of security to the city before wanting. still was the mother of brilliant sons. Sad Preparations for the infor the Old Commonwealth was it that so auguration were announcmany of those sons were drunk with the ed, Thursday, February poison of secession! Like the hasheesh eat- 28th. They embraced a procession-military, ers--who, in their ecstacy, built the temples diplomatic, legislative, and civil-of a very of Xanadu, to dissolve in air when the finger imposing character, as an escort of the Presiof Fact should thrust their stately pleasure- dent-elect to the Capitol, and, after the ceredomes through and through-the Secession- mony of inauguration, as an escort to the ists built temples radiating glory from base White House. The uniformed militia of the to pinnacle, wherein each particular enthu- District were ordered out in full force, while siast was to be enshrined in tablets of gold. the regulars of the United States Army were But, unlike the visionary of the hempen to be disposed by the commander-in-chief as fumes, their castles required the prick of a his judgment should dictate. A large and bayonet ere they dissolved to leave the in- expensive hall had been erected for the Inausane worshiper a miserable man, contemned guration Ball, which was to come off on the even by his own kindred for his heartless and evening of March 4th. The arrangements for reckless revelry. the festivity gave promise of one of the most brilliant affairs of the kind ever witnessed in the Capital. All things augured well for a safe and agreeable instalment of the new Chief Magistrate.

The Rhode Island Legislature, by a tie vote, (March 1st,) refused to instruct its Senators, and to request its Representatives, in Congress, to vote for the Peace Conference Propositions.

Mr. Buchanan's Last
Message.

The Pennsylvania Legislature adjourned February 28th, to meet again March 12th, without taking any action on the question of instructing its delegation in Congress on the Peace Conference scheme of settlement. The President communicated to Congress his reply to the House resolution, calling upon him for his reasons for assembling so large a force of military in Washington at that time. His answer was an embodiment of the facts set forth in the letter of Secretary Holt to the President, February 18th, [see pages 364-66.] The force, he submitted, was not so large as the resolution presupposed, being but 683 effective troops, whom he had summoned as a posse comitatus, to preserve peace and order before and during the inauguration, should any violence manifest itself. He defended the gathering of the troops as a precautionary step, which he would have been wanting in duty not to

Belligerent Attitude of the Confederates.

As indicated in chapter XXXI., the Confederate Government had progressed in its organization, (up to March 2d,) so far as to instate its military and civil establishment, while its judiciary was rapidly assuming form and efficiency. A dispatch from Montgomery, March 2d, stated:

"Thirty thousand volunteers are now drilled and under canvas, awaiting orders. Large army provision supplies of all sorts have been purchased recently in Chicago, St. Louis, and Cincinnati, and sent to Mobile and New Orleans for distribution."

The safety of a despotism lies in its army. This the revolutionists, so well understood that, almost before the new Government was inaugurated, a military establishment was in operation; and, when Mr. Lincoln became Chief Magistrate, he found not a peaceable revolution to contend with, but one armed and belligerent at all points, proving that violence and defiance were the weapons to be hurled against his administration.

CHAPTER XL.

STATE OF FEELING IN EUROPE DURING JANUARY AND FEBRUARY REGARDING AMERICAN AFFAIRS.

Interest in American
Affairs.

Mr. Seward is in fa

Vor of doing all those things which he has already assured us will not save the Union. He is ready to repeal the Personal Liberty acts which trench on

to consent to a Convention to consider any change in the organic laws in regard to Slavery. And this while the steamers of the United States return to

THE state of foreign feel- | efforts of the orator. ing during January and February was one of the outside features of the Secession movement the policy of the Fugitive Slave law. He is willing which, to a student of the momentous events to vote for the amendment of the Constitution deof 1861, formed not the least interesting epi-claring that henceforth it shall not be lawful to sode of the period. In a previous chapter, abolish Slavery by an act of Congress—an amend [XIV.,] we reproduced the editorial comment utterly futile, since it can always be rescinded ments of some of the leading London and by the same power that enacted it. But, lastly, Paris journals during December and the early | Mr. Seward is willing, when people have grown part of January. Without exception, they cool-that is, he says, in two or three years' timeregarded the Secession movement with disfavor, generally regarding it as a scheme for founding a pure Slave Confederacy. As the revolution progressed, the interest of foreigners in our affairs increased-so much so that, by March 4th, the European press was engaged in an active canvass of the entire subject in all its bearings, political, social, and moral, both to the United States and to the Old World. Our system of a Democratic Confederacy was freely commented on, and many were not slow to point to the approaching dissolution of the Union as an evidence of the inherent instability of a Republican

Government.

The London Times.

New York disabled by shot fired from Charleston batteries; while Charleston threatens Major Anderson with an attack on a fort held by him for the United States; and while the arsenals and forts of

the Central Government, left to the care of separate States, are plundered and occupied as the result of a declared secession. This is all that the official adviser of the incoming President can suggest as a remedy for dangers so urgent and so threatening. The thing which has happened is impossible,' and in two or three years we may have a Convention. Alas! in two or three years, for all that Mr. Seward

and his class seem inclined to do to prevent it, the

United States will have drifted into a position not requiring, as now, only a manly resolution for their deliverance, but beyond the reach of the boldest or wisest of mankind to remedy it. In one thing we certainly agree with Mr. Seward-that if he is to be

accepted as a type of the would-be saviors of his country, the Union is not likely to be saved, as he says, by anybody in particular.'"

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There was, however, in English journalism, a spirit of sympathy with the North of an unmistakable character; while the South, up to March 4th, scarcely found a respectable paper to give its cause even the shadow of a defence. The London Times, without committing itself to either section, laid its blows on both parties sturdily, and told so much truth and untruth, in its over-gate of citizens, seeking to destroy a Governwrought and pungent way, as did not fail to give offence equally to North and South. It thus recurred to Mr. Seward's speech of Jan1ary 12th, [see pages 187-92:]

"We do not see much to admire in the speech of Mr. Seward. It was meant, no doubt, to be a great success, but fortune has not entirely seconded the

The same article, however, assumed, with Mr. Seward, that any citizen, or any aggre

ment, was guilty of treason to that Government. It stated the case thus forcibly:

"The American people have seen fit, acting as a nation and in their collective capacity, to create a Government possessing certain definite powers. The remaining functions of Government they have left to be administered within certain territorial di

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