A Breeze from Maine. * prevent it-better prepare for States must cease, rebellion must be put down, or the Slavery is doomed, and will go out in blood. Seces. sion, compromise, and reconstruction is now the plat form of the odds and ends of the Democratic party; Secession to force compromise-compromise to des troy the Republican party and reconstruct the old De Slavery as a necessity there, yet provided in the Constitution means for carrying out the theory of equal rights, namely: Free speech and a free press. They feared not error so long as truth was free to combat it. Our Southern friends under-resistance; unless the South retreats from its treason, stand the power of truth as well as Napoleon the First did, and fear it more. * Its present game of forcing the North into compromise is one of brag; conventions are cheap, and resolutions cheaper. We have had numerous Southern Conventions and resolutions for direct trade and magnificent steam-mocracy on its ruins. Let us meet this courageously ships, but they have floated only in the imaginations of the resolvers. But you say now they have certainly seceded; have seized public property, and threaten war. I know it, and this is the very card to bring Congress to its knees, and they know it. I admire their boldness. They stake all on a small pair, and then, without moving a muscle, look their opponent in the face until he quails, and lays down his hand. They play the game more desperately than they first intended, for they did not expect firmness in the people of the North. If that which was intended for a farce results in a tragedy, the getters-up of the piece will be alone responsible. * * Be warned of the fate of those who the people sustain brave men, and follow a hero into a ditch sooner than a coward into camp. Save the Free States from humiliation, the Border States from Secession. By compromise you encourage treason and enhance the danger. I hope that the Union will be saved, but it must not be by striking hands with wrong. Let us have liberty and Union if we can; but liberty without Union rather than Union without liberty." This sounded like the stern North wind cutting through the pines. It was, unquestionably, Maine sentiment. Its last sentences sounded like grim prophecy. Compromise have compromised with wrong. The Fugitive Slave with revolutionists, and concessions to law was framed to satisfy the slave power, and was Slavery, found no response save that of defimade so heavy that it crushed its Northern cham-ance from the real Northmen. They were pion the greatest man of the age; and carried down as unbending in their sense of right as the a President and the Whig party. Are you not pines in their primeval forests. It was Histosatisfied with such a feat, or have you got your eyes ry telling her beads over again. on another crop of great men, and a successful party, whose necks you wish to place under their modern guillotine called compromise? Several are on their backs already, looking up at the glistening The speeches of Burnham, Beale, and Walton were reassurances of the feeling rapidly growing, against compromise, in their States, as was evident from the satisfaction with blade, but they are unwilling to die alone, so they which they were received by their constitu beckon us on to share their inglorious fate. A sham ents. How it must have pained the heart of то CHAPTER XXXI. THE NEW POWER IN THE SOUTH. JEFFERSON DAVIS' PROGRESS MONTGOMERY. SIGNIFICANT SPEECH. HIS INAUGURAL. CABINET. PROCEEDINGS OF THE CONFEDERATE CONGRESS MARCH 2D. HIS UP то Davis en route. Hostile Declaration. THE journey of Jefferson regarded as ! a throwing Davis, President-elect of down of the gauntlet, and the Southern Confederacy, sped over the North to confrom Mississippi to Montgomery, was one con- firm the impression of the utter hopelessness of tinued ovation. Great numbers of people any compromise with the Seceded States. A congregated at every station. Twenty-five new Government was formed-the dream of speeches were made by the President, on the dreamers was realized:-the Slave Republic route, to the gathered crowds. He was met, was a fact, which no step of the North or of on his approach to Montgomery, by a Com- the Border States could avert. Compromise mittee of the Congress, and by the city au- not only was not asked for, but was scorned; thorities, who served as an escort, while two while the idea of any reconstruction was only military companies from Columbus, Georgia, entertained to be vituperated. Exhilarated joined the retinue as a body-guard. by the remarkable success of the revolution to a state of nitrogenic delight, any return to the old Union looked, to their elated visions, like a descent to Avernus, and a reconstructionist was regarded as an enemy. Hostile Declaration. The reception at Montgomery, Saturday evening, (February 16th,) was enthusiastic. At the depot Mr. Davis made a speech to the great concourse in waiting. He addressed them at some length on the state of the South and the duties of its people, assuming a position at once of defiance and menace toward the North. This speech was Eleven o'clock Saturday night the President, in answer to the clamors of the people, thus addressed them from the balcony of his hotel: FELLOW-CITIZENS AND BRETH- * A letter received at Washington, February 24th, STATES OF AMERICA-For now from a " distinguished Alabamian," said: is none. Significant Speech. we are brethren not in name merely, but in fact men of one flesh, one bone, one interest, one purpose—and of an identity of domestic institutions. We have hence, I trust, a prospect of living to "You may suppose that there is a chance to rebuild the Union which has been torn down. There Not only is there no probability, but there is no possibility of such an event. We do not be-gether in peace, with our institutions subject to prolieve that the North will give us any substantial guarantees, and we could not trust them if they did. The idea which seems to have taken possession of the Peace Congress,' as it is called, that we will be satisfied with the prohibition north of 36 deg. 30 min., and Squatter-Sovereignty south of that line, is a gross insult to qur understanding. Be assured, we have no idea of accepting any such terms. The truth is, and our friends outside of the Seceding | States ought to be apprised of the fact, we have lost all hope of an amicable adjustment, and are looking to the bayonet as the final arbiter of the dispute.'" tection, not defamation. It may be our career will be ushered in in the midst of storm. It may be that as this morning opened with clouds, mist, and rain, we shall have to encounter inconvenience at the beginning. But, as the sun rose, it lifted the mist and dispelled the clouds, and left the pure sunlight of Heaven; so will the progress of the Southern Confederacy carry us safe to the harbor of constitutional liberty and political equality. Thus, we have nothing to fear at home, because at home we have homogeneity. We will have nothing to fear abroad, because, if war should come, if we must again baptize in blood the principles for which our fathers bled in sons, The Inaugurai Address of Jefferson Davis. that the beginning of our ca- "Our present condition, achieved in a manner unprecedented in the history of nations, illustrates the American idea that Governments rest upon the consent of the governed, and that it is the right of the people to alter and abolish Governments whenever they become destructive to the ends for which they were established. The declared compact of the Union from which we have withdrawn was to establish justice, insure domestic tranquillity, provide for the common defence, promote the general welfare, and secure the blessings of liberty to our selves and our posterity; and when, in the judgment of the sovereign States now composing this Confed the Revolution, we shall show we are not degenerate but will redeem the pledges they gave, preserve the sacred rights they transmitted to us, and show that Southern valor still shines as brightly as in 1776, in 1812, and in every other conflict. I was informed, my friends, that your kindness only required I should appear before you. Fatigued by travel, and hoarse, I am unable to speak at any length, and came merely to assure you of my gratitude for these manifestations of your good-will. I come with diffidence and distrust to the discharge of the great duties devolved on me by the kindness and confidence of the Congress of the Confederated States. I thank you, friends, for the kind manifestations of favor and approbation you exhibit on this occasion. Through my entire progress to this city, I have received the same flattering demonstrations of generous support. I did not regard them as personal to myself, but as tendered to me as the humble representative of the principles and policy of the Confederate States. I will devote to the du-eracy, it has been perverted from the purposes for ties of the high office to which I have been called all I have of heart, of head, of hand. If, in the progress of events, my services shall be needed in another position; if, to be plain, necessity shall require that I shall again enter the ranks as a soldier, I hope you will welcome me there. Now, friends, again thanking you for this manifestation of your approbation, allow me to bid you good-night." GENTLEMEN OF THE CONGRESS OF THE CONFEDERATE STATES OF AMERICA-FRIENDS AND FELLOWCITIZENS Called to the difficult and responsible station of Chief Executive of the Provisional Government which you have instituted, I approach the discharge of the duties assigned me with an humble distrust of my abilities, but with a sustaining confidence in the wisdom of those who are to guide and aid me in the administration of public affairs, and an abiding faith in the virtue and patriotism of the people. "Looking forward to the speedy establishment of a permanent Government to take the place of this, and which, by its greater moral and physical power, will be better able to combat with the many difficulties which arise from the conflicting interests of separate nations, I enter upon the duties of the office to which I have been chosen, with the hope which it was ordained, and ceased to answer the ends for which it was established, a peaceful appeal to the ballot-box declared that, so far as they were concerned, the Government created by that compact should cease to exist. In this they merely asserted the right which the Declaration of Independence of 1776 defined to be inalienable. Of the time and occasion of its exercise they, as sovereigns, were the final judges, each for itself. The impartial, enlightened verdict of mankind will vindicate the rectitude of our conduct, and He who knows the hearts of men will judge of the sincerity with which we labored to preserve the Government of our fathers in its spirit. "The right, solemnly proclaimed at the birth of the States, and which has been affirmed and reaffirmed in the Bills of Rights of the States subsequently admitted into the Union of 1789, undeniably recog nizes in the people the power to resume the authority delegated for the purposes of Government. Thus, the sovereign States, here represented, proceeded to form this Confederacy, and it is by the abuse of language that their act has been denominated revo lution.' They formed a new alliance; but, within each State, its Government has remained. The rights of person and property have not been disturbed. The agent through whom they communi cated with foreign nations is changed; but, this does not necessarily interrupt their international relations. Sustained by the consciousness that the transition from the former Union to the present Confederacy has not proceeded from a disregard, on our part, of our just obligations, or any failure to perform every constitutional duty moved by no interest or passion to invade the rights of others, anxious to cultivate peace and commerce with all nations, if we may INAUGURAL ADDRESS OF JEFFERSON The Inaugural Ad dress of Jefferson Davis. lessly engaged in it." not hope to avoid war, we may at least expect that posterity will acquit us of having need Doably justified by the absence of wrong on our part, and by wanton aggression on the part of others, there can be no cause to doubt that the courage and patriotism of the people of the Confederate States will be found equal to any measures of defence which their security soon may require. An agricultural people, whose chief interest is the export of a commodity required in every manufacturing country, our true policy is peace, and the freest trade which our necessities will permit. It is alike our interest, and that of all those to whom we would sell, and from whom we would buy, that there should be the fewest practicable restrictions upon the interchange of commodities. There can be but little rivalry between ours and any manufacturing or navigating community, such as the North-eastern States of the American Union. DAVIS. well-instructed, and disciplined army, more numerous than would usually be required on a peace establishment. 411, The Inaugural Address of Jefferson Davis. "I may also suggest, that, for the protection of our harbors, and commerce on the high seas, a navy adapted to those objects will be required. These necessities have doubtless engaged the attention of Congress. "With a Constitution differing only from that of our fathers in so far as it is explanatory of their well-known intent, freed from sectional conflicts which have interfered with the pursuits of the gen eral welfare, it is not unnatural to expect that the States from which we have recently parted may seek to unite their fortunes with ours, under the Government we have instituted. For this, your Constitution makes adequate provision; but, beyond this, if I mistake not, the judgment and will of the people are, that union with the States from which they have separated is neither practicable nor desirable. To increase the power, to develop the "It must follow, therefore, that mutual interest would invite good-will and kind offices. If, how-resources, and promote the happiness of a confedever, passion, or lust of dominion, should cloud the judgment, or influence the ambition of those States, we must prepare to meet the emergency, and maintain, by the final arbitrament of the sword, the position which we have assumed among the nations of the earth. "We have entered upon a career of independence which must be inflexibly pursued through many years of controversy with our late associates of the Northern States. We have vainly endeavored to secure tranquillity and obtain respect for the rights to which we were entitled. As a necessity, not a choice, we have resorted to the remedy of separation, and henceforth our energies must be directed to the conduct of our own affairs, and the perpetuity of the Confederacy which we have formed. If a just perception of mutual interest shall permit us peaceably to pursue our separate political career, my most earnest desire will have been fulfilled. But if this be denied us, and the integrity of our Territory and jurisdiction be assailed, it will but remain for us, with firm resolve, to appeal to arms, and invoke the blessing of Providence on a just cause. "As a consequence of our new condition, and with a view to meet anticipated wants, it will be necessary to provide a speedy and efficient organization of the branches of the Executive Department having special charge of Foreign Intercourse, Finances, Military Affairs, and Postal Service. "For purposes of defence, the Confederate States may, under ordinary circumstances, rely mainly upon their militia; but, it is deemed advisable, in the present condition of affairs, that there should be a eracy, it is requisite there should be so much of homogeneity that the welfare of every portion would be the aim of the whole. Where this does not exist, antagonisms are engendered, which must and should result in separation. "Actuated solely by a desire to preserve our own rights, and to promote our own welfare, the separation of the Confederate States has been marked by no aggression upon others, and followed by no domestic convulsion. Our industrial pursuits have received no check; the cultivation of our fields progresses as heretofore; and, even if we should be involved in war, there would be no considerable diminution in the production of the staples which have constituted our exports, in which the commercial world has an interest scarcely less than our own. This common interest of producer and consumer can only be intercepted by an exterior force which should obstruct its transmission to foreign markets -a course of conduct which would be detrimental to manufacturing and commercial interests abroad. Should reason guide the action of the Government from which we have separated, a policy so detri mental to the civilized world, the Northern States included, could not be dictated even by a strong desire to inflict injury upon us; but, if it be otherwise, a terrible responsibility will rest upon it, and the sufferings of millions will bear testimony to the policy and wickedness of our aggressors. "In the mean time there will remain to us, besides the ordinary remedies before suggested, the wellknown resources for retaliation upon the commerce of an enemy. The Inaugural Ad dress of Jefferson Davis. "Experience in public sta- | dent of the Confederacy oc tions of a subordinate grade to this which your kindness has conferred, has taught me that care, and toil, and disappointments, are the price of official elevation. You will see many errors to forgive, many deficiencies to tolerate, but you shall not find in me either want of zeal or fidelity to the cause that is to me the highest 'n hope and of most enduring affection. Your generosity has bestowed upon me an undeserved distinction, one which I neither sought nor desired. Upon the continuance of that sentiment, and upon your wisdom and patriotism, I rely to direct and support me in the performance of the duty required at my hands. "We have changed the constituent parts, but not the system, of our Government. The Constitution formed by our fathers is that of these Confederate States. In their exposition of it, and in the judicial construction it has received, we have a light which reveals its true meaning. Thus instructed as to the just interpretation of that instrument, and ever remembering that all offices are but trusts held for the people, and that delegated powers are to be strictly construed, I will hope, by due diligence in the performance of my duties, though I may disappoint your expectations, yet, to retain, when retiring, something of the good-willl and confidence which will welcome my entrance into office. "It is joyous, in the midst of perilous times, to look around upon a people united in heart, where one purpose of high resolve animates and actuates the whole; where the sacrifices to be made are not weighed in the balance against honor, right, liberty and equality. Obstacles may retard, but they cannot long prevent, the progress of a movement sanctioned by its justice and sustained by a virtuous people. 66 Reverently let us invoke the God of our fathers to guide, and provide, and protect us, in our efforts to perpetuate the principles which, by His blessing, they were able to vindicate, establish, and transmit to their posterity, and with a continuance of His favor, ever gratefully acknowledged, we may hopefully look forward to success, to peace, to prosperity." Proceedings of the Thus, the cupied seats on the right had not "thrown themselves on their coun- February 19th the following bills were reported from the Committee on Engrossments as ready for signature: An Act for the enforcement of the Revenue Laws; An Act for the preservation of the records of Congress; An Act committing certain powers to the Committee on Naval Affairs. The Report of the Committee to Organize the Executive Departments was read. Its brief was: "The first section provides that there shall be an Executive Department known as the Department of State; and there shall be a principal officer known as Secretary of State, who shall discharge such daties as may be assigned him by the President, and in accordance with the Constitution and laws of the Confederate States, and receive such compensation as may be fixed by law. "The second section--that it shall be the duty of the Secretary of State to preserve all bills, resolutions, orders, &c., and affix to them the great seal of State; also to give public notice of all laws passed by Congress in at least three public journals within the Confederacy; and also to cause two printed copies of all acts, resolutions, &c., to be sent to each of the Governors of the States of this Confederacy. "The third section-that there shall be in said department a chief clerk, and such other clerks as may be found necessary in the business of the department, who shall receive such compensation and take such oaths as may be regulated by law.* It was considered in secret session. The State of Texas was regularly called on the roll, on and after this day! Very little transpired of the session of February 20th. A discussion arose on the establishment of an armory, in the course of which a member of the Military Committee, in a thoughtless moment, made the following interesting confession: Monday, February 18th, the Confederate Congress Members signed the Provisional Constitution. [See page 337.] A bill was introduced to organize a Patent-office, and to define its duties. Secret session being ordered, nothing further transpired which "My colleague, however, greatly errs, when he the public was permitted to scrutinize. states we are unprepared for war, and bave no arms, At the proper hour the Congress adjourned and I am unwilling to let the assertion go undenied. to attend upon the inauguration. Upon Sir, we have arms, and in abundance, though no ar reassembling, the President and Vice-Presi-mories. Every Siate has amply provided itself to |