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Report on Mr. Floyd's Default.

REPORT ON MR. FLOYD'S DEFAULT..

393

Report on Mr. Floyd's Default

in his own pocket, and could not, | bankers in New York, who therefore, be negotiated. But were frightened at the this assertion is positively con- amount of these acceptances tradicted by the indorsements on the returned accept on the market; and had, at the President's re ances, and by the testimony of Mr. Irwin, a clerk in quest, called upon Mr. Floyd to warn him of the War Department. From the careless and irrethe dangers of this reckless use of his official sponsible manner in which business was transacted name. Floyd, two days after the interview, by that gentleman and the late Secretary of War, and wrote to Mr. Benjamin to thank him for his advice in the matter, at the same time prom-. ising to cease from any further issues of paper in advance of work performed by the Utah Army Supply Contractors, Messrs. Russell, Majors, and Waddell. How he kept even this promise the Committee tell us:

"It has already been shown that, contrary to the assertion of Gov. Floyd, no practice of issuing accept

from the fact that it was the habit of Governor Floyd to issue acceptances at the Department or at his house, or at whatever place he happened to be, and other considerations, it is a matter of great uncertainty whether or not the $840,000 should be deducted from the sum heretofore stated. The probability ip, that when the acceptances were returned to Governor Floyd by Mr. Russell, he accepted others at the same time, for the same amount, of which there was no registry made. It is deemed safest to pro-ances had ever prevailed in the War Department ceed upon the supposition that the acceptances previous to its introduction by himself; that he issued made in the place of those returned were registered. these acceptances indiscriminately, and without refeUpon this hypothesis, the $840,000 must be deducted rence to instalments, or the arrival or departure of from the $6,179,395 of unconditional acceptances trains, and without regard to money which was made and registered in the War Department. This due, or which was expected to become due. would leave of them, so far as is shown by the rec- One would naturally expect to find that Governor ords of that Department, $5,339,395 still in circula- | Floyd, having been admonished by one whose potion. Add to this amount the $798,000 of conditional sition and legal learning gave authority to his advice, acceptances received by Mr. Bailey in lieu of the having confessed the illegality of his proceedings bonds, and the aggregate is $6,137,395. Here, then, and expressed a determination to make no further conforming the statement to the records of the War acceptances, would have proceeded thereafter with Department, is a deficit of $6,137,395 to fall upon the great caution and circumspection, even if he did not holders of these acceptances, or to be assumed in entirely discontinue his previous policy. It appears, some way by the Government. however, that, supposing the note to Mr. Benjamin, before referred to, to have been written a year ago, there have been issued by Governor Floyd, since that time, acceptances to the amount of $2,163,000; in April, $40,000; May, $250,000; June, $350,000; July, $95,000; August, $235,000; September, $125,000; October, $270,000. To this amount must be added the $798,000 of unconditional acceptances of which there is no registry, and the grand total is as above stated. Having had his error and its probable consequences distinctly pointed out, and having expressed his intention to refrain in future from the commission of similar acts, he still persists in his former course, and actually issued an acceptance for $155,000 at a date so late as the 13th of De

"The evidence shows that the acceptances have been sold in various parts of the United States, wherever a bank or private individual could be induced to purchase. Inasmuch, however, as the amount of those that have been traced directly into the hands of present holders constitutes but a small fraction of the sum still unaccounted for, and as owners are daily filing additional claims at the War Department, it is deemed unnecessary to give a detailed statement of the discovered acceptances, or to make other mention of them, than to refer to the papers relating thereto, presented by the War Department, and to the general evidence."

Mr. Floyd urged, in his defence, [see page 152,] that it had been the custom of the department to issue acceptances for work to be performed on contract; but this proved to be worse than falsification. It had not only not been customary to do so, but, after the President was made aware of Mr. Floyd's "custom," and in alarm had positively forbidden it, the Secretary continued the practice. Mr. Ben jamin, of Louisiana, had been written to by

cember, 1860. Whether this manifest contempt of counsel, disobedience of law, and violation of a solemn promise can be reconciled with purity of private motives and faithfulness to public trusts, is for the House to determine. It is the opinion of your Committee that they cannot."

This report, adding certainty to rumor, placed the ex-Secretary in a position of unenviable notoriety before his countrymen. Having been indicted (January 28th) on two

Floyd's Disgrace.

counts, by the Grand Jury | the courage to "attend to his interests" before of Washington City: first, that Committee. As the chief witnesses exfor malfeasance in office; amined were Mr. Benjamin, Mr. Russell, and and, second, for conspiracy with others to Mr. Bailey-all his friends-the assumption defraud the Government-he found it con- that the hearing was ex parte, and therefore venient to absent himself, and take refuge in unreliable, was simply refreshing for its cool Virginia, under the plea of "attending to her assurance. The testimony withheld by the interests." Having robbed the Government two witnesses last named was, unquestionof millions-having contributed to arm the ably, of a more criminal character than what revolutionists and to humiliate the Adminis- they divulged; but, the facts elicited were as tration, he was well qualified to assume a given in the report, and were not controvertleading part in a drama based upon perjury ed. The "full response" promised by the and deception. Benedict Arnold received absconded principal was given to the world, the gold of the British Government for his a few weeks later, in the columns of a Rich "services," but no honorable Englishman ever mond paper; but, though it asseverated, arwould allow the contaminating touch of his gued, vilified, and invoked the ear of the traitor's hand-if Mr. Floyd was welcomed just, it failed to wipe away the stain which by the conspirators, in his escape from the rested as irrevocably upon his name as the hand of the Government he had betrayed, the moth on door of a tomb. people of Virginia put him away from their hearts, as unworthy of an honorable man's respect. The price of his treason was the overwhelming contempt of his own fellowcitizens.

Mr. Floyd wrote from his retirement a protest to the report of the Special Committee, saying:

Floyd's Protest.

"The numerous assaults

which have been made upon my character for several weeks past in the newspapers, and which from their source and nature could not be replied to, have at length culminated in a report from the Committee of the House of Representatives, submitted to that body on the 12th inst. The report is an ex parte arraignment of my official conduct upon ex parte testimony,

taken in secret in my absence. It is a labored attempt by innuendo, and by means and circumstances in the absence of proof, to fix upon me some unexpected complicity with a robbery of the Government of which I had no knowledge until about the time it waw publicly disclosed; and now that these charges have been put in form, and have emanated from an authoritative source, I pledge myself to meet them by full response as soon as the report of this Committee, with the evidence taken by it, has been printed, and can be examined.

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"JOHN B. FLOYD.

The fact of its being ex parte was entirely owing to the primary fact that Mr. Floyd absented himself, and found no friend who had

State of the Country,
February 15th.

The state of the country at the date of February 15th was one of comparative peace. Excitement consequent on the several acts of secession had given place to a feeling of anxiety for the future, which few cared to confess. The dim perspective had no clear light to lure the mind on to pleasant depths beyond. Ghosts of a buried greatness seemed to flit in the gloom gathering around. Voices of the illustrious dead seem ed to breathe upon the very air of the room where men brooded over the destruction which threatened the Republic. Shadows formed, and melted but to form again, making pictures which made the soul sick-pictures of men in deadly conflict, of burning houses, of suffering women and beggared children, of a capital sacked and ruined, and a land in desolation. These were the visitants to the fireside of every thoughtful citizen; and if there still was a struggle for compromise, it was to appease treason in order to avert the greater terrors of a state of civil war. But, as men suffer and grow strong, so the quiet of February was silently preparing the souls of those made to lead for the great emergencies to come. Out of that ordeal of internal personal struggle came the hearts of fire and nerves of steel which were to save the Republic when the trumpet called her sons to her defence.

CHAPTER XXX.

PROCEEDINGS OF CONGRESS CONTINUED.

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ELEVENTH WEEK.

VIRGINIA SHOWS HER COLORS. INTERESTING RESOLUTIONS. SPEECHES OF FESSENDEN, MASON, KING, CAMPBELL, VANDE VER, DE JARNETTE, AND OTHERS. THE SEVEN SLOOPS OF REPUBLICAN DECLARATION ON SLAVERY IN THE STATES.

WAR.

Seven Steam-Sloops
Provided for.

THE Eleventh week of the Thirty-sixth | Government could only obSession of Congress (February 11th-16th) tain money at large disscarcely sustained the interest excited by the counts, the proposition was previous week's proceedings. The brilliant inopportune and unwise. What, to him, seemspeeches of that week rendered it one of the ed suspicious was the fact that the vessels promost memorable of the session. The week posed were of the class required to enter which followed was distinguished by only Southern waters-ports of the Seceded States. one or two speeches of note. Virginia "showed He was not willing to vote one dollar for any her colors" most unmistakably, and, for that addition to the navy which looked to the reason, if for no other, the Eleventh week will coercion of any State that had seceded. be remembered.

Mr. Fessenden, (Rep.,) of Maine, reminded Mr. Hunter that precisely the same class of vessels, and the same number, had been ree

In the Senate, Monday, (February 11th,) a great number of petitions were presented by Messrs. Crittenden and Bigler, for the pas-ommended by the Committee at the previous sage of compromise resolutions. Senator Wade also presented four numerously signed petitions, from citizens of Philadelphia, asking Congress to stand firm by the Union, the Constitution as it is, and the enforcement of the laws.

Seven Steam-Sloops
Provided for.

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session, and that Mallory, of Florida, was Chairman of that committec. Hunter replied that they were recommended by Mr. Mallory because they were of the character and kind required for Southern ports-but, now that all these States had seceded, for whose benefit they were especially designed, there was no propriety in the project being brought forward again without there was a design to use the vessels against those very States.

The Naval Appropriation bill being called, Mr. Hale, (Rep.,) of New Hampshire, submitted several amendments—one of which embraced the building of seven steam sloops- Mr. Grimes, (Rep.,) of Iowa, remarked upon of-war. This called up Hunter, (Dem.,) of the absolute requirements of the navy-that Virginia, who wished to know the amount no country was any longer building sailing proposed to be appropriated, and the reasons vessels for naval use-that the cost of the for it; and why, at this time, it is proposed proposed sloops was only about $300,000 each to make this large addition to the Navy?"-that Great Britain had two hundred and Mr. Hale answered that it was a matter seventy-four of the same class of vessels-that recommended by the Navy Department, and the economy of manning and keeping in ser had been urged upon Congress for years. vice of such vessels was so great over that The idea of another sailing vessel being add- required by heavier craft, as to make the ed to the navy was an absurdity. The navy building a matter of actual economy to the thenceforth was to be a steam navy. Mr. Treasury. Upon that ground alone had the Hale then read the recommendations of the measure been brought forward. No "coer Secretary of the Navy on the subject. cion" was proposed by their construction.

Mr. Hunter answered, that, in the then embarrassed state of the Treasury, when the

After further discussion, which was participated in by Messrs. Hunter, Grimes, Pearce,

Fessenden's Defence.

and Polk, the amendment was adopted-30 | terests of the Government. And to 18. if I can no longer do that, I will leave my place here and return to my State, and say I am at its service. Now, sir, how do we stand as Senators-we who remain,

Mason's Speech in Opposition.

whose States have not seceded? We look on these

facts, remarkable as they are, as taking place outside

of this Chamber, and we are not bound to deal with them as negotiations. We are to look on them as

When the bill was reported to the Senate, on its passage, a discussion followed of an interesting character. Mason, (Dem.,) of Virginia, spoke against the special amendment proposed. He referred to the depressed state of the Treasury, remarking that Government was in an actual state of destitution. For what, then, were these additional expenses to be incurred at that particular moment? He could not shut his eyes to the fact that seven States had seceded; six of them had joined, formed a Government and a nationality, and by no vote of his should there be any additions to the mil-side, who are waging war against it, are to have the itary force of the Government, which was to

be used to coerce those States.

Mr. Fessenden answered Fessenden's Defence. for the Committee. He said it was time that Senators should understand precisely what the condition of the country was, and who was responsible for it. It was a singular address, coming from that quarter, to appeal to the Republican side to know what was the object of the proposition! Who had been in power for years? The proposition to build the steamers had come from a Democratic President, and a Democratic Committee of a Democratic Senate, year after year. Why did the gentleman question the Republicans about it? What change has transpired, Mr. Fessenden wished to know, that rendered the measure less requisite now than heretofore? The only reason offered by the Virginia Senator was, that six States had seceded, had scized property, had assailed the Government!

Mr. Fessenden continued:

"It is almost impossible to refrain from asking, Who does the Senator represent here? Is he a Senator of the United States here on this floor, and does he stand up here and say, after all these things have taken place, that they render it unnecessary now to increase the naval force of the country? I recognize the fact, as was said by the Senator from Mississippi, (Mr. Davis,) that, so long as I am here, I am bound to perform my duty as a Senator of the United States, without any reference to what may be done outside of this Chamber. So long as I stay here, and receive the money of the Government, I will look out, to the best of my ability, for the in

against the interest, the welfare of the Government and the Constitution of the United States, under which we live. That is the point of view from which we must look at them. But men seem to say to themselves and the country, I, standing here as a member of this Government, must look out and keep my eyes open, not that this Government has the advantage of my counsels, but that those out

benefit of my counsels and my aid.' Why, sir,

taken in consideration and in connection with this

question, this bill of my friend from Vermont (Mr. Collamer) is simply a bill to provide that, if the revenue of the Government cannot be collected in a

particular place, or a particular point, then these places shall cease to be recognized as places where the revenue shall be legally collected. Yet this is commented on as a design of coercion. Do we not owe it to the foreign Governments themselves, that we should either enforce our own laws in these ports, or else declare them not to be legal ports of entry for the United States?"

Mr. Mason replied, "Clearly so !" and added that, if the Committee could avow that reason in the bill-that the State of South Carolina is no longer a member of the Confederacy, and is beyond the jurisdiction of the Government-let them avow it!

Mr. Fessenden asked what difference there was, as a point of law, whether or not the motive was avowed. It was not necessary that the motive should stand declared. He resumed:

"We simply declare that there may be cases in which it may be difficult for the United States to collect revenue in particular places, by the ordinary course of proceedings, and we give the President the power to say that we shall no longer attempt to collect the revenue, for it shall cease to be a port where vessels may legally enter, under the authority of the United States; when we declare that it is no longer a port of the United States, a port of entry, and give notice of the fact, then comes a time when, if foreign vessels undertake to consider it a port of the United States, they will become amenable to the laws, and must take the consequences. It

MR. KING'S CALL FOR THE USE OF FORCE.

Fessenden's Defence.

397

Mason's Rejoinder.

was in reference to this fact that I will tell whom I represent. I these people are now availing répresent the sovereign State themselves of this being a port of Virginia, to whom I alone am of the United States, and collect the revenue and put amenable for what I may do, or what I may say. I it into their own pockets, when in fact they are no- heard the Senator from Mississippi, to whom he rebody in the eyes of the law, and in the eyes of the fers, with equal approbation to himself. I will do noworld, We are going on now. also, furnishing them thing that will stand in the way of the full and compostal facilities, we paying the expense and they re-plete administration of this Government as long as I ceiving the money. Now the Senator says this won't remain one of the participants in its administration; do. Either declare war, or else declare that they are but I have reason to believe that the Government is no longer a part of the United States. I don't propose initiating a policy that will lead to civil war, and to do either. I propose to do simply that which is that will lead to unnecessary war, and will minister necessary for our own protection and advantage. I to the passions of bad men. I will not vote to inam acting yet as Senator of the United States, and I crease the naval armament for that purpose; and will legislate for the United States, and not for if I have reason to believe that the purpose is South Carolina, or any other Seceding State; and to strengthen the arm of the Government with a as long as I stay here, I take it that it is my duty. view to prospective war, I am doing my duty as a Nor am I going to be diverted from this by talk Senator of the United States in doing what I can to about force and coercion. The time may come prevent it. The Hon. Senator has not favored us when it will be necessary for us to speak plain. I with his view of the reasonable propriety of incuram willing to speak plain now, and I say, speaking ring this expenditure in the present condition of the for myself, that if the time ever does come when it Treasury, but has contented himself with the recwill be necessary to use force to execute the laws ommendation of a Democratic President. When of the United States, under the Constitution, I am Senators, who are soon to become the dominant perfectly ready to do it. But I trust I shall have powers will not say whether they are going to war no such necessity. The measure of my friend from or not, but shadow it out darkly, I will not vote a Vermont is a measure of peace, and the measure of dollar until there is a settled policy, an established constructing these additional vessels is a measure and understood policy, for the new state of things. of peace. I do not suppose anybody ever dreamed I want to know what is to be the policy of this Govof making this appropriation for the purpose of ernment; whether they are going to make war on making war upon these States. It may be war will the Seceding States, or whether they will let them come. It may be these difficulties will grow vastly peacefully withdraw upon terms to be settled by greater than they are now, and when that time comes negotiation, or whether we are to remain here till I trust we shall be ready to meet our responsibilities the 4th of March, with these purposes only darkly like men. But the question is now, What is neces- shadowed forth, as was done by the Senator from sary for us to do for the interest of this country, in New York (Mr. Seward) the other day, and as has reference to its naval force? Although the Senator been done by the Senator from Maine to-day, that will not vote for it, because it may be that it will there may be a state of things when it is necesgive additional force to the Government which he sary to coerce a State. We have that policy represents here, I say to him that is no objection to shadowed out, but not avowed. It is time to estab my mind. I am perfectly willing it should have lish a policy. Let us know what is to be done. I that additional force, when I am so well defended desire as a Senator of the United States to know by the recommendation of a Democratic President, how to shape my vote in relation to their measures year after year, and supported by a Democratic of public policy; and until we know whether civil Senator." war is to be waged or not, because of Secession, I will never vote a dollar to increase the navy. King, (Rep.,) of New York, followed. He said he had, at former sessions, voted against any increase of the navy, because he did not see the necessity for it. But now that treason was abroad in the land, he believed there was a necessity for the increase of the armament and defensive power of the country. He declared:

Mason's Rejoinder.

Mason retorted that the Senator had enlightened him, by confessing that the increased naval force had some reference to the condition of matters in the Seceded States. He continued:

"The Senator undertakes to ask me who I represent? I did not ask the Senator that question. I have that respect for him to which he is entitled by his position, his mind, and his intellect. He is authorized to say for himself what he represents. I

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King's call for the
Use of Force.

"This Government and this country cannot be

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