in support of his propositions as the best remedy offered, and declared himself for the whole Union. Messrs. Smith, of North Carolina, and Hatton, of Tennessee, both made Union speeches, the latter assuming the ground occupied by Andrew Johnson. In the House, Saturday, John Cochrane, (Dem.,) of New York, offered a resolution directing the Secretary of the Treasury to inform the House whether any, and what, information has been received by the department relative to the recent alleged seizure of New York vessels at the port of Savannah, and if seized, by whom, and by what authority. Ruled out by the objection of Holman, (Dem.,) of Indiana. Corwin's Motion. the age. Corwin moved to extend the time for taking a final vote on his propositions, in order to give gentlemen an opportunity to express themselves, as well as to await the action of the "Peace Convention," which might enable the House to come to a better conclusion. The time was extended after much disagreement, when Hutchins, (Rep.,) of Ohio, at some length, gave his exposition of views on the crisis. He deemed the movement of the Slave States as causeless and wicked as the revolt of the angels in heaven. The remedies proposed he pronounced futile for good. Corwin's proposition to amend the Constitution was opposed to the spirit of The Crittenden proposition, he said, the Free States would reject. He referred to the history of compromises upon the Slavery question, contending that they were worthless as final settlements. The only settlement that could be permanent was one founded on truth and justice. The verdict of the American people had been fairly obtained, and a judgment should be rendered upon it. This was not a partisan view of the case, but all who are really for the Union could stand upon it, and they must stand upon it in the end. He could act with all who stood for the Union, and in so doing he did not necessarily adopt their views upon the Slavery or other questions. It was unwise to tamper with the organic law at the present time; but propositions to amend the Constitution, originating in States or in Con gress, were entitled to respectful considers tion at any time, when not coupled with the threat to dissolve the Union if not granted. The love of the Union was too strong in the affections of the people of all sections to allow a wide-spread conspiracy to destroy it to prevail. A very exciting running debate sprung up between Messrs. Cox, (Dem.,) of Ohio, and Hutchins and Stanton in regard to personal matters. Mr. Cox charged Mr. Hutchins and his sympathizers with being inimical to the Union, because of their extreme tenacity on anti-slavery issues, and arraigned Mr. Hutchins very sharply for his (Hutchins') attack upon Mr. Corwin. Mr. Cox charged that the Ohio Supreme Court had colluded with Governor Dennison to nullify the Fugitive Slave law and to shield abolition criminals from justice. Hutchins responded, saying Mr. Cox would preserve the Union if he could do so by exciting prejudices against the Republican party. It was hardly fair to add fuel to the flame of Southern excitement, if it was the object of his colleague to preserve rather than destroy the Union. Cox retorted. His colleague was for the Union, if there was power to crush out Slavery in the States or Territories, and only in this case; but he (Cox) was for the Union, without qualifica tion or condition, and daring all hazards. Simms, (Dem.,) of Kentucky, addressed the House in a very able argument, leveled chiefly at the Republican party, whom he regarded as the chief cause of all the present trouble - they were the chief conspirators against the liberties of the country. He aver red that there had been no time since the commencement of the session that the Republicans could not have saved the country. He advocated the plan of Senator Crittenden, which simply proposed to incorporate in the Constitution the decision of the Supreme Court in the Dred Scott case, and give to the South the Territory south of the line 36 deg. 30 min., and the Chicago Platform north of it. Why would not the Republicans take this? Of the position of his own State he said: Simms' Address. Sir, you may make the experiment, but you can never conquer the South. Their ten million proud, free-born necks were never made to wear the yoke PEACE CCNVENTION PROCEEDINGS. 859 of any mortal power or foe against their will.* You | provoke, would spring up, if necessary to avenge it, can conquer them by justice, and not by injustice a million warriors. Kentucky-brave, gallant, loyal, and the sword. From the first drop of blood shed patient Kentucky - would not hesitate nor falter upon Southern soil by armed soldiery, in a war so when that day comes. * * She never yet has anjust and unholy as the one you are seeking to despaired of the Republic; but if you force this issue * Mr. Simms, like all Southern economists, during upon her and her sister States of the South, rememthis winter's discussion, spoke widely of the fact in ber that in the veins of her children courses the his citations of the numbers of "proud, free-born blood of old Virginia; and with them, when the necks" in the entire Slave States. [See the tables final struggle comes, she will share common dangiven on pages 27-28, compiled from the census of gers, common rights, common glories, a common destiny, or a common grave." 1860.] Peace Convention Peace Convention favorable action of the Convention, declaring that his State would be satisfied with nothing less, and assuring the delegates that prompt and decisive action was necessary. Caleb B. Smith, of Indiana, deprecated this precipitate mode of proceeding, and thought it calculated to defeat the very object for which the Convention had been called. Messrs. Chase, Ruffin, and others sustained this view; and finally, Mr. Guthrie, after a judicious and conciliatory speech, moved the reference of this and all similar propositions to a Com THE Peace Convention | sition of his State. It simply assembled February 4th, in repeated the resolutions Washington, and organized adopted by the Legislature. by the election of John Tyler, of Virginia, as [See page 247.] The Virginia member, in prepresiding officer. It was resolved, in imita-senting the resolutions, urged the immediate tion of the old Constitutional Conventions, as well as of the recent Conventions in the Southern States, to sit in secret sessions-excluding not only the public, but members of the press-a movement which most Northern members opposed, as uncalled for and unwise. The votes on propositions were to be cast by States - a majority of each delegation casting it. No action was taken until Wednesday, February 6th, the members being engaged in comparing views, to arrange, if possible, the terms of propositions likely to meet with favorable consideration. The Ken-mittee of one from each State, to be selected tucky delegation, headed by Mr. Guthrie, held a conference, February 5th, and agreed upon the general outline of a new plan of compromise. It was not made public; but the delegation laid their statement before individual members of the Convention, to canvass its probable success. by the different delegations. The Committee, as appointed, was constituted as follows: James Guthrie, of Kentucky, Chairman; Jas. A. Seddon, of Virginia; Reverdy Johnson, of Maryland; James Harlan, of Iowa; Stephen T. Logan, of Illinois; Caleb B. Smith, of Indiana; Thomas Ewing, of Ohio; Daniel M. On Wednesday, Seddon, of Virginia, pre- Bates, of Delaware; Thomas White, of Pennsented what was understocd to be the propo- | sylvania; Peter D. Vroom, of New Jersey; Peace Convention Peace Convention Roger S. Baldwin, of Con- | before the predetermined necticut; Samuel Ames, of secessionists, who had seRhode Island; Thomas Ruf- cured a Convention, and, fin, of North Carolina; Highland Hull, of Ver- having secured it, would control it. mont; and Asa Fowler, of New Hampshire. Members were added for New York, Massachusetts, Missouri, and Tennessee, which States were not represented in the Convention until Friday, February 8th. The appointment of this Committee was considered an omen of settlement-the members constituting it being, generally, of the "conservative" order-those understood to favor liberal concessions for the sake of peace. The first week closed without action on any proposition. The outside indications seemed to favor the adoption of a plan of adjustment which should at least placate the remaining loyal States; but, the indisposition of the Border Slave State delegates to include the Seceded States in the compromise served to foreshadow but a partial settlement at most. The North, if it must compromise by conceding the right of property in slaves under the Constitution, and by consecrating to Slavery all the Territory south of the old Missouri Compromise line, had no design of making those concessions except they were accepted as a settlement of the entire question, and would restore the status quo of the Union. The Southern members declined the responsibility of speaking for the revolutionary States; hence, the hopes which had sprung up in some quarters feared by the disunionists, and hoped for by their opponents of an early and final adjustment, were not strengthened by the attitude of affairs at the close of the first week. So anxious did the Virginians feel in the proceedings of the Convention, that Governor Letcher, and a number of the most influential members of the Virginia Legislature, visited Washington during the week, to lend their aid to the work of adjustment. The voice of Virginia at the polls, February 4th, was for Union if compromise could be secured and the "rights of the South" guaranteed; and the Governor but answered the wish of the people in seeking to secure the terms demanded. That he was anxious to save his State from revolution was apparent; but, it was equally apparent that he was powerless The Committee of One from each State held a session of four and a half hours on Saturday. It voted down the motion by David Dudley Field, the New York member, namely: that no action was necessary on the Territorial question. Monday (February 11th) was consumed in considering the several propositions submitted, and in deciding upon the order of their consideration. Tuesday morning a test of sentiment was made by the introduction, by Reverdy Johnson, of a resolution which, in a slightly amended form, passed by a vote of 10 to 9: Iowa and Massachusetts not being represented. It read, as adopted: "Congress shall have no power to legislate upon the subject of servitude anywhere, except to perform its duties under the Constitution in respect to fugitives from service or labor, and to suppress the foreign slave-trade; nor shall any Territorial Government have power to sanction or protect invol untary servitude in any Territory north of the southern boundary of Kansas and the northern boundary of New Mexico; nor to prohibit, or impair, or affect the holding of persons to service or labor in any Territory south of said line, in the same manner as such persons were so held and protected under the laws of the State or Territory from which they were removed." It was understood that several who voted in the negative would accept it as a finality, if nothing better were to be obtained. Wednesday and Thursday the Kentucky propositions were considered, and the session being prolonged into the evening of the lat tion was, by a vote of 12 to 11, adopted. ter day, the Kentucky or Guthrie proposi Its provisions were, in substance: "All Territory of the United States shall be divid ed by a line from east to west on the parallel of 36 deg. 30 min. north latitude; in all Territory north of that line involuntary servitude, except as punish. ment of crime, is prohibited while it shall belong to the United States, or be under a Territorial Government; in all Territory south of said line involuntary servitude is recognized as it exists in the Southern States of the Union, while such Territory shall be long to the United States, or be under the Territorial Government; neither Congress nor the Terri Peace Convention ANTI-COMPROMISE SENTIMENT GROWING. torial Government shall have | absence of sagacity, in not power to hinder or prevent proposing some remedy, emigrants to said Territory while the Union was crumfrom taking with them persons held to labor or in- bling to pieces. voluntary servitude, according to the laws and usages of the State from which such persons may be taken, nor to impair the right arising out of such relation, and be subject to ju dicial cognizance. It also provided that States formed from the territory either north or south of the proposed line shall be admitted into the Union on an equal footing with the original States, with or without involuntary servitude or labor, as their Constitutions may provide. Also, that Congress shall not have the power to establish Slavery in any State, or in the District of Columbia, without the consent of Maryland and Virginia. The African slave-trade was forever to be prohibited, and the fourth Article of the Constitution was not to be construed to prevent any of the States from the en forcement of the Fugitive Slave law. And, lastly, it provided that no Territory shall be henceforth acquired without the consent of three-fourths of the Senate." This proposition was submitted to the action of the Convention Friday morning, when Seddon, of Virginia, (understood to represent the Hunter faction,) offered the Crittenden resolution on behalf of the minority, with the amendments of the Virginia Legislature. Messrs. Dudley Field, Baldwin, and Crowningshield stated verbally that they disagreed with those reports. An early adjournment was had, for members to consult with their several Congressional delegations prior to voting on the question. Saturday's session was one of earnest debate. Baldwin, of Connecticut, moved to substitute for the proposition of the Committee his resolution for a National Convention. This he supported in an able speech. He believed that no other measure would meet with the approbation of the two Houses of Congress. Mr. Guthrie, with much earnestness and power, opposed Mr. Baldwin's substitute, and advocated the report of the Committee. He urged upon the Convention speedy action. There was no time to be lost. If the Convention really intended to adopt measures which would restore peace and good brotherhood between the States, they ought to do so at once. He animadverted, with much severity, upon the refusal of Congress to meet the exigency, and the 361 Peace Convention Mr. Curtis, of Iowa, answered this reference to Congress with much decision, saying that it was a deliberative body, and had a right to consider all propositions submitted calmly. He believed there had been an organized conspiracy to break up the Government, and that no compromise here could have prevented it. He inquired of Mr. Guthrie whether he thought even his own plan would have arrested that movement? Guthrie answered, that it would have saved some of the States. Curtis then examined Mr. Guthrie's scheme, and demonstrated that its purpose was to establish and protect Slavery in future acquisitions of Territory by an artful use of language, and to that the people of the North Would never consent. They were pledged against it, and would not surrender their principles, but intended no aggression on the rights of the South. This firm attitude of the Republican member excited no little commotion, particularly as he had insinuated that deception was designed in the clause regarding the Territorial question. It was contended by several, among whom was Reverdy Johnson, that it not only applied to present Territories, but to future acquisitions also, and, with that view, he (Johnson) should move an amendment, so as to exclude Territory hereafter to be acquired. No vote was taken, and the week's proceedings closed without any advance having been made. Anti-Compromise Sentiment Growing. Pending these events, (February 1st-15th,) the state of the country was calculated to create renewed anxiety for the future. The anti-compromise spirit of the Northern States became more developed with each day's proceedings of Congress, and with every arrival of news from the Southern Confederacy. In the breasts of a large class, a feeling akin to rancor was becoming apparent; while the vast majority of Northern men unquestionably were opposed to any settlement which did not imply the power forever to prevent a recurrence of the revolu "The telegraph tells us to-day that South Carolina has determined to attack the noble Anderson, if Government does not surrender Fort Sumter to the traitors! Away with compromises at an hour like this! Let us first establish the fact that we have a Government—a Government able to protect itself and punish treason. We should not talk about compromise while the flag of the traitors floats over an American fort, and the flag of our country trails in the dust. Until that flag is unfurled over Moultrie, and every other stolen fort, arsenal, custom-house, and navy-yard-until the laws of this Government are obeyed, and its authority recognized, let us never talk about compromise. Concession! Yes, we want concession. We ask no man to yield up his conscience, his manhood, or his honor. The Border States tell us that they are devoted to the Union and the Constitution. We ask them, then, to concede that the one shall stand and the other be obeyed. We are asked to concede that Slavery shall go into the Territories by authority of this Government. Before we talk of such a thing we want it settled that we have a Government. Before compromise of any kind is made, or even talked about, on the subject of Slavery, we want to see the rightful authority of this Government recognized and respected. Let the stolen forts, arsenals, and navy-yards be restored to the rightful owner-tear down your Rattlesnake and Pelican flag, and run up the ever-glorious Stars and Stripes-disperse your traitorous mobs, and let every man return to his duty. Then come to us with your list of grievances." "If individuals attack the Anti-Compromise Sentiment Grow.ng. Government in the discharge of its duty, and lose their lives thereby, can it be charged that the Government has wantonly shed fraternal blood? Will any one pre tend that the Government can do less than this? When the President takes a solemn oath to support the Con stitution, and the Constitution declares that he shall see that the laws are faithfully executed, can he disregard that oath and suffer the laws to be trampledunder foot? If treason and rebellion make it neces‐ sary to use force to execute those laws, is he not justified in using it? Is it coercing South Carolina to defend Fort Sumter against the attacks of a mob collected from South Carolina, Georgia, and other States? Is it coercing Florida to hold Fort Pickens against the mob collected to steal it? Is it coercing any of the States of this Union for the Government to take and hold possession of all its property within them? Is it coercing a State to enforce the national revenue laws? Will it be coercing South Carolina to take possession of the United States Customhouse, Armory, and other property belonging to the Federal Government? Is it coercing a State to abolish Post-offices where men cannot be found who are willing to hold them, or who will not honestly account to the Government for postage received? Coercion of a State! He who invented the expres sion did a good work for traitors. He raised a screen behind which sympathizers with treason might have a temporary hiding-place." These sentiments, if not directly inspired by the President-elect, were regarded as expressing the views entertained in his circle, and went forth with the weight of authority. That they received the hearty approval of the Republican press, soon became evident from the corresponding tone of the leading papers from Maine to Kansas. The exception was in the case of Democratic papers, chiefly of the Breckenridge school. The "Democra While, in regard to the probable course of action to be pursued by the incoming Admin-cy," as an official organization, in some in tration, it said: "It is the duty of this Government to retake its stolen forts, and other property wrongfully withheld. In the performance of it, no more force will be used than is necessary. Forcible resistance will be met, and, if possible, overcome. The Government will collect its revenue, using just so much force as may be necessary for that purpose. "We assume that this will be the action of the Government, because it is the duty of the Government, and because an Administration is just going into power that will fearlessly and faithfully perform its whole duty. stances, boldly assumed the State Rights ground, in view of covering the retreat of the Seceded States, and thus gave the Southern leaders an argument for their hope of Northern cooperation in the division of the Confederacy. The Democratic State Nominating Convention of Connecticut, February 6th, selected James C. Loomis as its candidate for Governor, and adopted resolutions in substance as follows: "That the Union is a confederation of sovereign and independent States; that any trenching on their equality is a violation of the Constitution; that the |