THE ACTION OF THE SOUTHERN "Fort Sumter, the largest of our fortresses, is a work of solid masonry, octagonal in form, pierced on the north, east and west sides with a double row of port-holes for the heaviest Fort Sumter. guns, and on the south or land side, in addition to openings for guns, loop-holes for musketry, stands in the middle of the harbor, on the edge of the ship channel, and is said to be bomb-proof. It is at present without any regular garrison. There is a large force of workmen some one hundred and fifty in allbusily employed in mounting the guns and otherwise putting this great strategic point in order. The armament of Fort Sumter consists of 140 guns, many of them being the formidable ten-inch "Columbi ads," which throw either shot or shell, and which cution with which the allies are advancing upon the | in advance, in that arsenal, the quotas of muscapital of the Celestial Empire. kets to be assigned to several Southern States? It will be found only one of many acts evidencing direct complicity with the revolutionists on the part of Mr. Floyd, from an early stage of the conspiracy, that 70,000 stand of arms were placed in that arsenal and turned over for safe keeping to the revolutionists themselves. Whatever justification the secession leaders may urge for their refusal to obey the laws, it will be found impossible to justify the duplicity and treason practiced by Cabinet officers who used their high positions and sworn authority to betray their confiding constituents. If Mr. Floyd, or Mr. Cobb, or Mr. Thompson, even thought secession, they had no right, as honorable and just men, to remain a single day in the Cabinet. That they did remain, to scheme and plot against the Government which was paying them their salaries, which they had sworn solemnly to uphold and defend, from which they had received all their honors and political position, cannot fail to attach a stigma to their names which no historian may efface, let the result of the revolution be what it may. Benedict Arnold's treason was not more odious to mankind because of its failure-its success would have equally rendered his name a synonym of moral turpitude. have a fearful range. Only a few of these are yet in position, and the work of mounting pieces of this calibre in the casemates is necessarily a slow one. There is also a large amount of artillery stores, consisting of about 40,000 pounds of powder, and a proportionate quantity of shot and shell. The workmen engaged here sleep in the fort every night, owing to the want of any regular communication with the city. The wharf or landing is on the south side, and is of course exposed to a cross fire from all the openings on that side. "The fortress most closely commanding the city and its roadstead is Castle Pinckney, which is located on the southern extremity of a narrow slip of marsh land, which extends in a northerly direction to Hog Island Channel. To the harbor side the so-called castle presents a circular front. It has never been Castle Pinckney. considered of much consequence as a fortress, although its proximity to the city would give it importance, if properly armed and garrisoned. From hasty observation, we find that there are about fifteen guns mounted on the parapet; the majority of them are eighteen and twenty-four pounders. Some "Columbiads" are, however, within the walls. There are also supplies of powder, shot, and shell. At present there is no garrison at the post; the only residents are one or two watchmen, who have charge of the harbor light. Some thirty or forty day laborers are employed repairing the cisterns, and putting the place generally in order." The arsenal in Charleston was already lost to the Government by direct orders of Secretary Floyd-having been, early in December, turned over to the Governor's care, under plea of keeping it safe from mob seizure. Why were not the arms transported, in October, to Fort Moultrie? Why had the Secretary placed, son's Complicity. Secretary Thompson paid Secretary Thomp- a hurried visit to North Carolina (December 18th), to induce the State Legislature to act on the question of a cooperation of States in the Secession movement. The Secretary was understood to be entirely committed to the plans of the Seceders in disrupting the Union; but, like most of the Conservatives in the Gulf States, preferred that there should be cooperation among the States, thus to render the safety of the act more assured, and the formation of a Slave Confederacy more expeditious. The Secretary acted as the Commissioner of Mississippi to North Carolina. The Crisis Committee of Thirty-three, on Monday, (December 17th,) received from Mr. Rust, of Arkansas, a proposition which he assumed was the ultimatum of the South. It was, in substance, the extension of the Missouri Compromise line to the Pacific, The Crisis Committee. with recognition and protection of Slavery | ultimatum proposition; but no definite action south of it. Consultations were constantly was taken. The Republicans expressed their being held by the different Congressional del- opposition to an actual protection to the inegations, to consider the several schemes pro- stitution south of the line named. It would posed, and the action proper and necessary for involve the recognition of the right of Slatheir representative on the Committee. This very to Congressional protection—a right they representative, therefore, became the exponent were, under any circumstances, unwilling to of the ideas and feelings of his State. concede. Tuesday, Mr. Winter Davis' proposition was adopted unanimously. It was as follows: “Resolved, by the Senate and Ilouse of Representatives, That several States be respectfully requested to cause their statutes to be revised, with a view to ascertain if any of them are in conflict with, or tend to embarrass or hinder the execution of the laws of the United States, made in pursuance of the 2 section of the IVth Article of the Constitution of the United States for the delivery ap of persons held to labor by the laws of any State and escaping there Thursday's proceedings were devoted to the further discussion of the Rust proposition. Mr. Adams, of Massachusetts, in a very able and elaborate speech, took the position • that the Republican party could not consent to any proposition looking to a protection of Slavery in Territories, or to amendments to the Constitution, looking to a recognition of Slavery by that instrument. The proceedings of Friday were confined from; and the Senate and House of Representatives finally, to adjourn the vote, on their acceptto the Rust propositions. It was decided, earnestly request that all enactments having such tendency be forthwith repealed, as required by a just sense of constitutional obligations, and by a due regard for the peace of the Republic. And the President of the United States is requested to communicate these resolutions to the Governors of the several States, with the request that they will lay the same before the Legislatures thereof respectively." ance or rejection, to Thursday, December 29th. After adjournment the Republican Members of the Committee remained in close conference for some time. The Senate Committee of Thirteen. The Senate Committee of Thirteen also held a session on Friday. Mr. Wade, of Ohio, repeated the substance of his previous declarations. He stated that “ no compromise could be made, as the Republicans had done nothing unconstitutionally, not having been in power to do so. Mr. Lincoln, having been elected according to the Constitution of the United States, he ought to have the same chance as others had before him to develop his policy, which would be perfectly consistent with their constitutional rights. The assumption that the Republicans, nothing having been brought against them of any practical character, were going to do some wrong, was an insult, and came with bad grace from a party that had wrought mischief to the country." This resolution, apparently, gave the assurance that the Republicans were solicitous in regard to constitutional obligations. The discussion which grew out of its introduction elicited the confession from Southern members that the Republicans had been misrepresented on the question of the enforcement of the Fugitive Slave Law, while the several "Liberty Bills" of Northern States, which underwent a searching analysis, were shown to be in strict concordance with the Constitution, and comparatively harmless in their reputed opposition to an enforcement of the Fugitive Law. The day's work was, therefore, highly satisfactory, as it won from the Southerners themselves acknowledgments of their hitherto misapprehensions and This brought out Mr. Douglas, who, in a misinterpretations of the Anti-Slavery oppo- spirit of great candor and earnestness, desition of the North. A sub-committee, con-clared that "he was ready now to unite in sisting of Messrs. Davis, Dunn, Millson, Bristow, and Kellogg, was appointed, to consider the amendments proposed by Southern members to the Fugitive Slave Law. Wednesday's session of the Committee was directed to the consideration of Mr. Rust's recommending such amendments to the Constitution as will take the Slavery question out of Congress. In view of the dangers which threaten the Republic with disunion, revolu tion, and civil war, he was prepared to act upon the matters in controversy without any COMPROMISE RESOLUTIONS ACTED ON. 105 regard to his previous action, and as if he had never made a speech or given a vote on the subject." Mr. Crittenden expressed a like spirit, and gave utterance to the hope that nothing might at least result from the acts of the Committee which would, in any degree, savor of a disinelination to adjust differences, and thus to court the calamities of disunion. Gov Hicks' Union Declaration. We may add to our chapter of the week's features a reference to the reception, by Gov. Hicks, of Maryland, of the Commissioner from Mississippi, Judge H. K. Handy. Their correspondence, as published, Saturday, Dec. 22d, in the Baltimore papers, showed that, under the executive hand of Gov. Hicks, Maryland could not be thrown into the secession movement. The gist of the correspondence may thus be given: Judge Handy inquires whether the Governor will convene the Legislature for the purpose of cooperating with Mississippi in measures necessary to defend the rights of the South and to form a new confederacy. The Governor replies at some length. He says that Maryland is identified with the Southern States in feeling, institutions, and habits; but she is also conservative and devoted to the union of the States under the Constitution, and her people will use all honorable means to preserve and perpetuate these. He declares that the sentiments of the people are almost unanimous in favor of upholding and maintaining their rights under the Constitution. They believe that their rights will yet be admitted and secured, and not until it is certain they will be respected no longer not until every honorable, constitutional, and lawful effort to secure them is exhausted-will they consent to any efforts for a dissolution of the Union. The people of Maryland are anxious that time should be given and opportunity afforded for a fair and honorable adjustment of the difficulties and grievances of which they, more than the people of any other State, have a right to complain. He believes that a large majority of the people of the Union desire an adjustment, and he thinks it will be promptly effected. Until the effort is found vain, he cannot consent to any precipitate revolutionary action to aid in the dismemberment of the Union, When he is satisfied that there is no hope of adjustment, and not until then, will he exercise any power with which he is vested to afford even an opportunity for such a proceeding. Whatever powers he may have he will use only after full consultation with the other Border States, since we and they, in the event of any dismemberment of the Union, will suffer more than all the others combined. He states that he is now in correspondence with the Governors of these States, and awaits with much solicitude the indications of the course to be pursued by them. When this is made known, he will be prepared to take such steps as duty and the interests of the State demand. He is, consequently, unable to say whether, or when, the Legislature will be called. The Hon. W. S. Featherstone, Commissioner from the same State to Kentucky, had an interview with Gov. Magoffin, of Kentucky, Dec. 21st., but the result was not definitively made known until a later day. December 21st, Caleb Cushing arrived in Charleston as a messenger from Mission to Charleston. the President to the Con Caleb Cushing's vention. His mission was understood to be to prevail upon the Convention to respect the status quo of the Federal laws during Mr. Buchanan's administration, giving guarantees of a non-reinforcement of Major Anderson. He remained but five hours in the city, and returned immediately to Washington to report that the Convention would make no promises whatever-that it must act as circumstances might dictate-leaving all negotiations to special commissioners. A Cabinet meeting was called (Dec. 22nd,) upon his return, when a stormy and anxious session is reported to have been held. The Committee's Saturday's session, was one of earnest consideration. Mr. Crittenden's Compromise Resolutions were brought forward and acted upon. The entire plan was supported by Messrs. Bigler and Douglas, as well as by Mr. Crittenden himself, with remarkable power and zeal. Mr. Douglas reiterated his expressed determination to consider the question for the preservation of the country, as though he had never cast a vote faith. or uttered a sentiment on the subject before. | it if the Republicans would propose it in good If that mode of compromise would not answer, he declared himself willing to go for any other, consistent with honor or justice. The appeals of Mr. Crittenden in behalf of the Union are said to have been sublime. He, too, was willing to embrace any other effective mode of adjustment. Mr. Bigler, of Pennsylvania, preferred a division by a line across the country, because in that way the question of Slavery could be taken out of Congress and separated entirely from the popular elections in the North, without which we never could have permanent peace. Messrs. Wade, Doolittle, Collamer and Grimes opposed the proposition with much earnestness. They maintained that the people, in the late election, decided the question of Slavery in Territories, and therefore they had no concessions to make or offer. They manifested great unwillingness to act in the absence of Mr. Seward, but as they could give no assurance of his immediate return, the Committee declined to defer action on account of his absence. Messrs. Davis, Toombs and Hunter discussed the present unhappy condition of the country with real feeling and power, and, while manifesting a willingness to accept any measure of final settlement which would secure their just rights in the Union, insisted that propositions must come from the dominant party, the Republicans. The second proposition submitted by Mr. Crittenden, denying the right of Congress to abolish Slavery in the dockyards and arsenals, was voted against by Messrs. Collamer, Doolittle, Grimes and Wade. The remainder of the committee voted for the proposition, but as it had not a majority of the Republicans, it was defeated under the rules adopted by the Committee, that no proposition should be considered adopted and recommended to the Senate which did not receive a majority of the Republican votes, and also a majority of those opposed to the Republicans. The third clause, denying the right of Congress to abolish Slavery in the District of Columbia was defeated by the same vote, the Republicans all voting against it, and the remainder of the Committee for it. The fourth clause, establishing the right of transit, was defeated by the same vote. The fifth, which is intended to perfect the Fugitive Slave law, by requiring the several States to pay for fugitives who might be rescued from the officers of the law, was lost by the same vote, the Republicans all voting in the negative. Many other propositions were offered and voted upon, but none of leading importance, none that would meet the great exigencies of the times. Mr. Davis submitted a resolution expressly The vote on Mr. Crittenden's first resolu- recognizing property in slaves, but no vote tion was as follows: was taken on it. For the proposition-Messrs. Bigler, Crittenden, Douglas, Rice and Powell-5. Mr. Toombs submitted a series of resolutions, embracing substantially the principles Against it-Messrs. Davis, Doolittle, Collamer, of the Breckenridge platform, but final action Wade, Toombs, Grimes and Hunter-7. Messrs. Hunter, Toombs and Davis, nevertheless, intimated an inclination to go for was not taken on them. The Committee adjourned, to meet at ten o'clock on Monday morning.. OF THE SLAVEHOLDING STATES OF THE UNITED principle-self-government; and self-taxation, the cri STATES. "It is now seventy-three years since the union between the United States was made by the Constitution of the United States. During this period their advance in wealth, prosperity, and power, has been with scarcely a parallel in the history of the world. The great object of their union was external defense from the aggressions of more powerful nations; now complete, from their mere progress in power, thirtyone millions of people, with a commerce and navigation which explores every sea, and of agricultural productions which are necessary to every civilized people, command the friendship of the world. But, anfortunately, our internal peace has not grown with our external prosperity. Discontent and contention have moved in the bosom of the Confederacy for the last thirty-five years. During this time South Carolina has twice called her people together in solemn convention, to take into consideration the aggressions and unconstitutional wrongs perpetrated by the people of the North on the people of the South. These wrongs were submitted to by the people of the South, under the hope and expectation that they would be final. But these hopes and expectations have proved to be void. Instead of being incentives to forbearance, our submission has only instigated to new forms of aggressions and outrage, and South Carolina, again assembling her people in convention, has this day dissolved her connection with the States constituting the United States. "The one great evil, from which all other evils have flowed, is the overthrow of the Constitution of terion of self-government. Where the interests of two people united together under one Government are different, each must have the power to protect its interests by the organization of the Government, or they cannot be free. The interests of Great Britain and of the colonies were different and antagonistic. Great Britain was desirous of carrying out the policy of all nations toward their colonies, of making them tributary to their wealth and power. She had vast and complicated relations with the whole world. Her policy toward her North American colonies was to identify them with her in all these complicated relations, and to make them bear, in common with the rest of the empire, the full burden of her obligations and necessities. She had a vast public debt; she had a European policy and an Asiatic policy, which had occasioned the accumulation of her public debt, and which kept her in continual wars. The North American colonies saw their interests, political and commercial, sacrificed by such a policy. Their interests required that they should not be identified with the burdens and wars of the mother country. They had been settled under charters which gave them self-government, at least so far as their property was concerned. They had taxed themselves, and had never been taxed by the Government of Great Britain. To make them a part of a consolidated empire, the Parliament of Great Britain determined to assume the power of legislating for the colonies in all cases whatsoever. Our ancestors resisted the pretension. They refused to be a part of the consolidated Government of Great Britain. |