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adequately represent the feelings of the people of this United Kingdom than by agreeing to the address which it is now, Sir, my duty to move, expressing to Her Majesty our sorrow and indignation at the assassination of the President of the United States, and praying Her Majesty, in conveying her own sentiments to the Government of that country upon this deplorable event, that she will express at the same time upon the part of this House their abhorrence of the crime, and their sympathy with the Government and the people of the United States, in the deep affliction into which they have been plunged.

London Daily News, May 2, 1865.

LETTER FROM JOHN STUART MILL;

TO A FRIEND IN PHILADELPHIA, PA.

AVIGNON, May 13, 1865.

DE

EAR SIR,—I had scarcely received your note of April 8, so full of calm joy in the splendid prospect now opening to your country, and through it to the world, when the news came that an atrocious crime had struck down the great citizen who had afforded so noble an example of the qualities befitting the first magistrate of a free people, and who, in the most trying circumstances, had gradually won, not only the admiration, but almost the personal affection of all who love freedom or appreciate simplicity and uprightness. But the loss is ours, not his. It was impossible to have wished him a better end, than to add the crown of martyrdom to his other honors, and to live in the memory of a great nation as those only live who have not only labored for their country, but died for it. And he did live to see the cause triumphant, and the contest virtually over. How different would our feelings now be if this fate had overtaken him, as it might so easily have done, a month sooner!

In England, horror of the crime, and sympathy with your loss, seem to be almost universal, even among those who have disgraced their country by wishing success to the slaveholders. I hope the manifestations which were instantaneously made there

in almost every quarter may be received in America as some kind of atonement, or peace offering. I have never believed that there was any real danger of a quarrel between the two countries; but it is of immense importance that we should be firm friends: and this is our natural state; for, though there is a portion of the higher and middle classes of Great Britain who so dread and hate democracy that they cannot wish prosperity and power to a democratic people, I sincerely believe that this feeling is not general, even in our privileged classes. Most of the dislike and suspicion which have existed towards the United States were the effect of pure ignorance, ignorance of your history, and ignorance of your feeling and disposition as a people. It is difficult for you to believe that this ignorance could be as dense as it really was. But the late events have begun to dissipate it; and, if your Government and people act as I fully believe they will in regard to the important questions which now await them, there will be no fear of their being ever again so grossly misunderstood, at least in the lives of the present generation.

As to the mode of dealing with these great questions, it does not become a foreigner to advise those who know the exigencies of the case so much better than he does. But as so many of my countrymen are volunteering advice to you at this crisis, perhaps I may be forgiven if I offer mine the contrary way. Every one is eagerly inculcating gentleness, and only gentleness, as if you had shown any signs of a disposition to take a savage revenge. I have always been afraid of one thing only,- that you would be too gentle. I should be sorry to see any life taken after the war is over (except those of the assassins), or any evil inflicted in mere vengeance; but one thing I hope will be considered absolutely necessary, to break altogether the power of the slaveholding caste. Unless this is done, the abolition of slavery will be merely nominal. If an aristocracy of ex-slaveholders remain masters of the State

Legislatures, they will be able effectually to nullify a great part of the result which has been so dearly bought by the blood of the Free States. They and their dependants must be effectually outnumbered at the polling places; which can only be effected by the concession of full equality of political rights to negroes, and by a large immigration of settlers from the North: both of them being made independent by the ownership of land. With these things, in addition to the Constitutional Amendment (which will enable the Supreme Court to set aside any State legislation tending to bring back slavery in disguise), the cause of freedom is safe, and the opening words of the Declaration of Independence will cease to be a reproach to the nation founded by its authors.

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RESOLUTION OF HON. F. H. MORSE,

UNITED-STATES CONSUL FOR LONDON:

AT A MEETING OF AMERICANS, HELD IN THAT CITY, MAY 1, 1865.

THAT we have heard with the greatest indignation, and the most profound sorrow, of the assassination which has deprived our country of its beloved Chief Magistrate, as well as of the murderous assault which has greatly perilled the lives of the Secretary and Assistant-Secretary of State; and that we regard the taking of the life of our chief executive officer, while our country is passing through unparalleled trials, after all loyal Americans had learned to love him, and all good men the world over to confide in him, and when so much of national and individual welfare and happiness depended on his existence, as the great crime of the nineteenth century, memorable in its atrocity, and entailing on its perpetrators the execration of mankind." He denounced the assassination in terms of appropriate indignation, and paid a warm tribute to the memory of President Lincoln, who, he said, had fought not only for the maintenance of the Union, but had struggled wisely and successfully to wipe out the one black stain from his country's banner, slavery. He worked the point little by little, until he had brought the country up to a state of feeling which had resulted in the prohibition of slavery throughout the length and breadth of the American land. And it was after the war was virtually over, when Richmond had capitulated, and the surrender of the generalissimo of the South, with the elite of the rebel army, and when

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