istence and long continuance of which we so sincerely deplore, it is well known that the Government of this country, acting, as I believe, in accordance with the almost unanimous — or I may say the unanimous-feeling of the country, has maintained a strict and impartial neutrality. But, Sir, it was notorious, and it could not in a great community like this be otherwise, that different opinions have been entertained by different persons with regard to the question at issue between the Northern and the Southern States of America. And, while I believe that the sympathy of the majority of this country has been with the North, I wish to avoid any thing likely to excite dissent; therefore, while I say that different opinions have been entertained, and different sympathies felt, and in this free country the freest expression has been, as it ought to be, given to those sympathies and opinions, I am sure I shall not excite any difference of opinion when I add, that, in the presence of the great crime which has sent a thrill of horror through all who heard of it, those differences of opinion and those conflicting sentiments have been suppressed. I entertain the strongest confidence, that it will be regarded by every man of position in the Southern States with the same degree of horror as it has been in other parts of the world. Whatever our opinions may be with respect to the past, whatever may have been our sympathies, we should all cordially unite in expressing our abhorrence of this crime, and in tendering our sympathy to the nation which is now mourning the loss of its chosen and trusted Chief, struck down by the hand of an assassin at a most critical period of its history. While deploring the war, while lamenting the loss of life which has been its inevitable consequence, it is impossible, whatever our sympathies may have been, to withhold our admiration of the many gallant deeds which have been performed, those acts of heroism which have been displayed by both parties in that contest. And it is a matter of

bitter reflection, that the page of history which will record those gallant achievements the deeds of men who have shed their blood and laid down their lives - should be stained by the record of a crime such as we are now deploring. A new era seemed at hand; the time had come when there was reason to hope that the war might speedily be brought to a close. Victory had crowned the efforts of the statesmen and of the armies of the Federals; and all of us entertained a feeling of relief on being able to turn from the records of so sanguinary a contest to the correspondence which had recently passed between the generals commanding the hostile armies. I know that Mr. Lincoln, as President of the United States, warranted the hope, I may say expectation, and I have reason to believe, that that expectation would not have been disappointed, — that in the hour of victory, and in the triumph of victory, he would have shown that wise forbearance, and that generous consideration, which would have added tenfold lustre to the fame that he had already acquired, amidst the varying fortunes of the war. Unhappily we have not had the opportunity of realizing those expectations. But let us hope that the good sense and right feeling of those upon whom the discharge of those arduous and difficult duties in this conjuncture of affairs has devolved will, in addition to their sense of respect and veneration, lead them to act in the same spirit, and follow the same counsels which, we have good reason to believe, would have guided the conduct of Mr. Lincoln, had he been left to complete the work which he had begun.

Sir, -I believe I am expressing the general opinion when I say, that nothing could give greater satisfaction to this country than to see, by firmness mixed with conciliation, the union of the North and the South again accomplished; especially if it can be accomplished by common consent, and free from that which has been the weakness of all nations, the curse and disgrace of slavery.

Sir, — I wish it were possible for us to convey to the people of the United States an adequate idea of the depth and universality of the feeling which this sad event has occasioned in this country. From the highest to the lowest there has been but one feeling entertained. Her Majesty's Minister at Washington will, in obedience to the Queen's commands, convey to the Government of the United States an expression of the feelings of Her Majesty, and of Her Majesty's Government, on this deplorable event. And Her Majesty,.with that tender consideration which she has always evinced for the sorrows and sufferings of others, in whatever rank and station, has, with her own hand, written a letter to Mrs. Lincoln, conveying the heartfelt sympathy of a widow to a widow, suffering from an overwhelming calamity that has so suddenly come upon her. From every part of this country, and from every class of the community, one voice is now raised, - a voice of abhorrence at the crime, and of sympathy and interest in that country which has this great loss to mourn. The British residents in the United States have met, as may have been expected, to express their feelings against the crime committed; and we read that our British North-American Colonies are vieing with each other to give expression to the same sentiments of sympathy. And not only is it from men of that race which is connected with the inhabitants of the United States by the tie of origin, language, and blood, that a feeling of this kind arises; but I believe that every country in Europe is giving expression to the same sentiments, and sending them to the Government of the United States. But I am sure, therefore, I am not wrong in anticipating, that this House, in the name of the people of England, of the people of Scotland, and of the people of Ireland, will be anxious to record its expression of the same sentiments and feelings to the Government of the United States. Of this I am confident, that this House could never more fully and never more

adequately represent the feelings of the people of this United Kingdom than by agreeing to the address which it is now, Sir, my duty to move, expressing to Her Majesty our sorrow and indignation at the assassination of the President of the United States, and praying Her Majesty, in conveying her own sentiments to the Government of that country upon this deplorable event, that she will express at the same time upon the part of this House their abhorrence of the crime, and their sympathy with the Government and the people of the United States, in the deep affliction into which they have been plunged.

London Daily News, May 2, 1865.

LETTER FROM JOHN STUART MILL;

TO A FRIEND IN PHILADELPHIA, PA.

DEAR

AVIGNON, May 13, 1865.

EAR SIR,—I had scarcely received your note of April 8, so full of calm joy in the splendid prospect now opening to your country, and through it to the world, when the news came that an atrocious crime had struck down the great citizen who had afforded so noble an example of the qualities befitting the first magistrate of a free people, and who, in the most trying circumstances, had gradually won, not only the admiration, but almost the personal affection of all who love freedom or appreciate simplicity and uprightness. But the loss is ours, not his. It was impossible to have wished him a better end, than to add the crown of martyrdom to his other honors, and to live in the memory of a great nation as those only live who have not only labored for their country, but died for it. And he did live to see the cause triumphant, and the contest virtually over. How different would our feelings now be if this fate had overtaken him, as it might so easily have done, a month sooner!

In England, horror of the crime, and sympathy with your loss, seem to be almost universal, even among those who have disgraced their country by wishing success to the slaveholders. I hope the manifestations which were instantaneously made there