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the course of action which was leading them to their ruin. Four years of intense and continued trials within the borders of his own State have been passed in the effort to reconstruct the edifice of civil government, which they had overthrown. No one has braved greater dangers to his person, and to all that was held most precious to a man in this world, than he. Those four years have not been passed without at once proving the firmness of his faith, and the progressive nature of his ideas. He, too, has been susceptible to the influence of the national opinion. He, too, has gradually been brought to the conviction, that slavery, which he once defended, has been our bane, and the cause of all our woe. And he, too, will follow his predecessor in making the recognition of the principle of human liberty the chief pathway to restoration. Maybe, that he will color his policy with a little more of the sternness gathered from the severity of his own trials. He may give a greater prominence to the image of Justice than to that of Mercy, in dealing with notorious offenders. But, if he do, to whom is this change to be imputed? Lincoln leaned to mercy, — and he was taken off. Johnson has not promoted himself. The magician who worked this change is the enemy himself. It would seem almost as if it were the will of Heaven, which has interposed the possibility of this marvellous retribution. Yet, even if we make proper allowances for this difference, the great fact remains clear, that Andrew Johnson, like his predecessor, will exert himself to the utmost of his power fully to reestablish in peace and harmony the beneficent system of government which he has already hazarded so much to sustain. And should it happen that he too — which Heaven avert! — should by some evil design be removed from the post now assigned to him, the effect would only be that the next man in the succession prescribed by the public law, and inspired from the same common source, will be summoned to take his place. And so it would go

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on, if need be, in a line, like that in Macbeth's vision, " stretching out to the crack of doom.” The Republic has but to command the services of any of her children, and, whether to meet open danger in the field, or the perils of the more crafty and desperate assassin, experience shows them equally ready to obey her call. So long as the heroic spirit animates her frame, the requisite agents will not fail to execute her will. Any attempt to paralyze her by striking down more or less of them will only end, as every preceding design to injure her has ended, in disappointment and bitter despair. Let us, then, casting aside all needless apprehensions for the policy of our land, now concentrate our thoughts for the moment upon the magnitude of the offence which has deprived us of our beloved Chief in the very moment of most interest to our cause; and let us draw together as one man in the tribute of our admiration of one of the purest, the most singleminded and noble-hearted, patriots that ever ruled over the people of any land.

London Daily News, May 2, 1865.

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IN THE HOUSE OF COMMONS, LONDON, MAY 1, 1865.

IR, — There are rare instances when the sympathy of a nation w approaches those tenderer feelings that, generally speaking, are supposed to be peculiar to the individual, and to form the happy privilege of private life; and I think this is one of them. Under all circumstances, we should have bewailed the catastrophe at Washington; under all circumstances, we should have shuddered at the means by which it was accomplished. But in the character of the victim, and in the very accessories of his almost latest moments, there is something so homely and so innocent that it takes the subject, as it were, out of the pomp of history, and out of the ceremonial of diplomacy. It touches the heart of nations, and appeals to the domestic sentiments of mankind.

Sir, — Whatever may be the various and varying opinions of this House, and the country generally, of the policy of the late President of the United States, of this, I think, all must be agreed, that in a trial which, perhaps more than any other, tested the moral quality of the man, he performed his duty with simplicity and strength. Nor is it possible for the people of England to forget at this moment, that he sprang from the same fatherland, and spoke the same mother-tongue. When crimes of this character are perpetrated, the public mind is apt to fall into gloom and perplexity; and that has arisen because it is as ignorant of the causes as it is of the consequences of such an act. But it is our part, I think, to re-assure them under any unreasoning panic or despondency Assassination has never changed the history of the world. I will not refer to instances of remote antiquity, although an accident has made the most memorable example of those times familiar at this moment to the mind and memory of most gentlemen present. Even the costly sacrifice of a Cæsar did not propitiate the inevitable destiny of his country. But in more modern times, with whose feelings we are more familiar, men were animated and influenced by the same interests as ourselves. The violent deaths of two heroic men, Henry IV. of France, and the Prince of Orange, are conspicuous illustrations of this great truth. Therefore, at this moment, while I second the address to the Crown, and express upon my own part, and, I hope, on the part of every member of the House, feelings of unaffected and profound sympathy with the citizens of the United States at the untimely end of their elected Chief, I would not sanction any sentiment of depression. I would rather take this opportunity of expressing my fervent hope, that from these awful years of trial the various populations of North America may come out elevated, chastened, rich in that accumulative wisdom, and strong in that disciplined energy, which a young nation can only acquire in a protracted and perilous struggle. Then will be open to them again, not merely the same course of power and prosperity which they have heretofore pursued, but they will pursue that course of power and prosperity for the general happiness of mankind. It is with these feelings, Sir, that I now second the address to the Crown.

London Daily News, May 2, 1865.

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IN THE HOUSE OF COMMONS, LONDON, MAY 1, 1865.

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| VERY much regret that in the unavoidable absence of my I noble friend at the head of the Government, in whose name notice was given of a motion for an address to the Crown, to express the sorrow and indignation of this House at the assassination of the President of the United States, and to pray Her Majesty to communicate their sentiments on the part of the House of Commons to the Government of the United States,— I very much regret that it has devolved upon me to move this address. I feel, however, that it is comparatively unimportant by whom the motion is made, because I am confident that this address to the Crown, to which I am about to ask the House to agree, is one that will meet with its cordial and unanimous assent. When the news, a few days ago, of the assassination of the President of the United States, and, I hope, I may now say, of the unsuccessful attempt to assassinate Mr. Seward, reached this country, the first impression was that the intelligence could not be true. It was hoped by every one, that no one could be found capable of committing a crime of so atrocious a nature; but when the truth was forced upon us, when we could no longer entertain any doubt of the facts of the case, the feeling that succeeded was one of deep and universal sorrow, horror, and indignation. We felt as if some great calamity had befallen ourselves. In the civil war, the ex

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