of the future state! What miserable places are theatres to fit the soul for death and judgment and eternity! How little restraining and hallowed influences, too, are thrown around even human life in these places of revelry and mirth! Their tendency is to immorality in all its forms. Had J. Wilkes Booth been trained under other and higher associations, and lived in a nobler sphere of effort, who doubts that the useful life of our late President might still have been spared? Had he fallen, however, by the hands of violence along the highway; or in the house of God; or in his closet; or in his bed; or in the discharge of his public duties; or at his desk, penning an outline of the settlement of our national difficulties, I could have had some just and noble satisfaction in the contemplation of it, such as a death in the theatre can never inspire. Two reasons are offered for the President's visiting this place of amusement. The first is, that he needed relaxation from the severe studies and close application of his official position; and that, had he not possessed the happy faculty of readily laying aside occasionally his burden of care, his life and health would not have been preserved to us so long as they were. The second reason is a benevolent one,—that the public papers had stated that day, that General Grant would be present at the theatre that evening; and, as the President knew that he would be absent, he went himself, although with reluctance, so that the audience should not be entirely disappointed. Religious decision, however, might have prevailed against all such reasoning, and additional safety and honor been secured. But Abraham Lincoln has fallen. The work that was given him to do, he finished. We deeply mourn for him, and justly mourn; and we shall long mourn his early and lamentable death. Yet we mourn as those who have hope. Although President Lincoln was not without his imperfections, Iwas not without shade mingled with his light, yet we have some comforting evidence that our loss is his unspeakable, eternal gain, — that he has gone to that "better country" where "the wicked cease from troubling, and where the weary are at rest." And now, what shall we say of his murderer? I need only say, that such a wretch should not be permitted to live; that his act was cowardly and awfully wicked, and was aimed not only at the head of the President, but at the very existence of our entire Government. It is the first assassination of one whom the people delighted to honor thus, that has ever occurred in our country. And, if Cain deserved to be punished sevenfold, surely this man deserves to be punished seventy and seven fold. He perhaps thought his murderous act would be a ground of rejoicing and boasting, both for himself and others. Few, however, out of the mass have rejoiced at it. The act was so contrary to reason and civilization, and so shocks the most common sensibilities of our nature, that it essentially forbids even the semblance of delight in any well-regulated mind. Such an act could not have been approved, even if the President had been a tyrant, as his assassin so falsely declared him to be; much less when he was a man of such sterling qualities of mind and heart, and stood so high in the affections, confidence, and honors of a grateful people, as was evidenced by his re-election to the highest office in our nation's gift. And the murderer will doubtless learn, before his case is finally settled, that it affords him no room either for rejoicing or boasting. Condign punishment will certainly, sooner or later, be visited upon his guilty head, and upon all his accomplices. But from the expressions that have fallen from the lips of a few persons, both male and female, we see the animus that lurks in some souls. All such have been the abettors of the foul deed. And, while I would be merciful, I cannot restrain my intense indignation at those who, when the most atrocious murder of the age has been committed, not only utter the most unfeeling epithets against the victim, but openly approve of the horrible massacre. All such persons are "treasuring up to themselves wrath against the day of wrath."—"O my soul! come not thou into their secret: unto their assembly, mine honor! be not thou united." I would only add, that it would seem eminently wise and just for Andrew Johnson, the successor of President Lincoln, and for civil officers everywhere, to treat all such persons as are found guilty of such gross violations of principle in speech and behavior, as Solomon, the successor of King David, treated Shimei, who shamefully reviled his prince during his son's Absalom's wicked revolt. They should be known and marked; and, if not held really as prisoners at large, they should, at least, be forewarned of the certain consequences of their evil conduct; while their names, should be handed down, like that of Shimei, in perpetual infamy to the latest posterity. Let us now turn our eye to Vice-President Johnson. Suddenly, and by "terrible things in righteousness," hath the Most High, who "ruleth in the kingdom of men, and giveth it to whomsoever he will," paved the way for his promotion to the Presidency of these United States. He has now assumed the mighty responsibilities of his predecessor in guiding this Ship of State, and settling the great issues of the day. May the mantle of Elijah fall upon Elisha! Let our affections, and our prayers, and our support be now extended to our new president. We regret his fall, and the reproach-deserved or not-brought upon him in his previous inaugural solemnities. But God no doubt permitted it all for wise and useful ends. Mr. Johnson was thus humbled, that he might be prepared for his exaltation, and for his wise and better administration. It will thus be overruled to his and his country's greater good. It will make him more watchful over himself; will secure to him more the prayers of God's people, and will thus fit him the better for discharging aright his important duties. We have rejoiced, however, in the testimony given by several eminent men, who knew Mr. Johnson well, of his almost universally correct principles, habits, and expressions; and that the fall to which we have referred was an exception to his established course of conduct, caused by sickness, and a combination of depressing circumstances. We deeply regret President Lincoln's death, and especially the manner of it. But his work is done, and it was well done. And now we rejoice that Andrew Johnson is at the head of our national affairs; for we believe that God has a special work for him to do, and he will be enabled to execute it well also. We believe he is "come to the kingdom for such a time as this," and that he will not be a terror to good works, but will be to the evil. Hence all that have done evil, and shall continue to do evil, may well be afraid; for he will not bear the sword in vain: for he is the minister of God, a revenger to execute wrath upon him that doeth evil. It is a remarkable providence, that the almost universal sentiment is, that President Lincoln fell at the most auspicious time both for himself and for his country,- that although slain by the mad spirit of secession, yet in his death the South, and all who sympathize with it, lost their best friend; for, in the overflowing kindness and magnanimity of his heart, he would likely have extended an amnesty to all the guilty, which would have satisfied neither law nor justice, and which would have secured to our land neither an honorable nor a permanent peace. While the same common sentiment is, that God hath raised up and empowered Andrew Johnson to do what President Lincoln could not, or perhaps would not, do. The stern administration of justice is now demanded to meet the exigencies of the times; and, if President Johnson should become, under existing circumstances, almost an extremist in the severity of his punishment (which we hope he will not) of evil doers, there would be many in the North who would uphold him in it. I here quote, as appropriate, the last of a series of excellent resolutions that were adopted by the Supreme Court of Iowa, during its late term at Davenport, on receipt of the news of President Lincoln's death: "Resolved, That humanity, law, and religion unite in demanding, that there be visited upon the heads of the wicked leaders of this most wanton and inexcusable rebellion, which has filled up the measure of its iniquity by the murder of our President, as soon as the arm of the Government can lay hold of them, the swift and terrible punishment justly due to their enormous crimes.” President Johnson is, I believe, the very man to execute this punishment. He is described by one who has long known him as a man of full medium stature, compact, and strongly built, of dark complexion, and deep-set black eyes. He is of bilious temperament, strong intellect, indomitable energy, and iron will. In his character, I should say the strongest feature of all is that of stern justice, and a general hatred of all forms of aristocracy and oppression, and a patriotism so ardent that it amounts to a passion, -almost a religion. In Congress, on March 2d, 1861, speaking of traitors, he uttered this strong, and I may say prophetic, language, which in substance has been lately repeated: "Were I President of the United States, I would do as Thomas Jefferson did, in 1806, with Aaron Burr. I would have them arrested; and, if convicted within the meaning of and scope of the Constitution, by the Eternal God! I would execute them." These are solemn declarations, but eminently wise, just, and safe. Such a man is needed just now at the helm of State, and God has given him to us. Let no sickly sentimentality, no mistaken clemency, prevail. Let it be written upon our inmost heart, as with "the point of a diamond," that mercy to the ringleaders of this awfully wicked rebellion is cruelty to two hundred thousand of our brave |