the repeal of the old protective tariff on food stuffs to England. As a matter of fact, conditions are entirely different. England was being slowly starved to death by the corn laws, but no tariff ever passed or proposed for this country could have had an equally injurious effect upon us. The politicians are likely to magnify the importance of the tariff issue, because they are used to discussing it and have aligned themselves with reference to it. It was a great grief to the old war horses of politics when the silver issue was obtruded upon their attention in the last campaign. It is pretty clear that this country must have become great and prosperous under either a revenue tariff or under a free trade tariff, and it would probably have done better under either sort, consistently supported, than it has under the policy of vacil supported, than it has under the policy of vacillation between the two, which has been one of our "besetments" during the last fifteen years. Vacillating voters.

We complain of the French for being mercu rial and unstable, and changing their ministries and governments so often, but of late Uncle Sam has changed his mind much too often for his own good. There have been four general revisions of the tariff in the last fifteen years, and three other organized attempts at revision. Morrill, McKinley, Wilson, and Dingley each gave his name to an act that became a law, while Morrison drafted two bills that failed to pass and Mills one. Either "system" would do better than this constant tinkering and consequent uncertainty. Two or four years is not enough for either a protective or a revenue tariff to produce the benefits respectively claimed for these two forms of tariff legislation by their friends. In one case industries cannot start and become vigorous, and in the other the advantages of buying where we can buy cheap est have not time to develop and diffuse themselves. Even if the time were adequate for a good deal of achievement in one way or the other, paralysis would result from threat of change constantly impending. Give our business men almost any conditions that they can depend on, and they will contrive to serve us well and secure prosperity for themselves. The thing they cannot successfully deal with is a set of conditions irregularly fluctuating in unforeseen ways. Change in either direction is hard to bear, and dread of change is still worse. John Sherman in his book called attention to

the fact that congress had never passed a general tariff act which was not repudiated by the people. One reason of this, no doubt, is that any change is more or less painful, and the people are apt, short-sightedly, to punish those that cause the change, even though the punishment involves another change. It is high time, however, that "the dear people" make up their minds what they want and proceed to place a standing order for it with the politicians. Republican courage.

Having been given control of the federal government, the republicans proceeded to do what they said they would, and to do it promptly. On the theory, which is here accepted as true, that impending change is even worse than change itself, they shortened the period of anchange itself, they shortened the period of anticipation by calling a special session of congress and accomplishing a general revision of the tariff in a period so short as to be without precedent in our history. A committee of the block out the work for the fifty-fifth. This fifty-fourth congress even had the temerity to block out the work for the fifty-fifth. This would have been treated as an unwarrantable impertinence had not the dominant party in the House been led by one of the strongest men and most commanding party leaders that have appeared in our history. No one but T. B. Reed would have dared to presume upon his own election as speaker, and virtually appoint the ways and means committee in advance of the organi zation of the body which that committee was . nominally to serve. In the fifty-first congress Mr. Reed amended the unwritten constitution of the United States when he devised means that gave a majority actual working control of the written yet another chapter in the history of House, and in the fifty-fifth congress he has written yet another chapter in the history of party responsibility and discipline, and with the has shown how a party that has been given help of the president and his party associates power may act promptly if it will. Republican luck.

There can be little doubt that if President Cleveland had called an extra session of congress soon after his inauguration in 1893, and the tariff had been revised with the speed and the consistency with party views that the republicans have just practiced, the panic of 1893 would have overwhelmed them, and the party and president would have been cursed as the cause of it more unanimously than they have in fact been. The pendulum then was swinging

the other way. Industry was riding towards a fall, and the party in power was bound to be blamed. It looks now as though the republicans were having the reverse fortune, and as though their courage was to be rewarded by good luck. Whatever effect their tariff may have, it certainly has not been the cause of short grain crops in the other countries of the world and good ones in the United States. Neither can any candid man hold that the tariff is responsible for the whole of the general revival of business. Yet the party in power is bound to get credit for prosperity if it comes. average man has not confidence enough in elaborate explanations of causes to put much dependence upon them.

History and market reports.

The

The present revival in business is being compared with that which took place in 1881, but it is a curious fact that when an attempt is made to compare the range of prices of stocks now and then, the stocks which have been most active of late were non-existent at the earlier period. The "industrials" were then unknown to the stock lists. These are stocks of great companies often controlling an entire industry, and their presence and importance mark two things in industrial history: first, the omnipresence of the corporation, and second, the relative permanence of combinations in trade. It may eventually be found that these tendencies in business and industry are of more general importance than anything that has happened in national politics in the period covered.

Populations of poor quality.

In foreign affairs matters have seemed to In foreign affairs matters have seemed to move but little in the past month. Most of the problems that have received attention are connected with questions of racial capacity for selfgovernment. The European powers will not let the Turk do as he likes, mainly because they have no confidence in his motives or his intelligence, but they do not find it an easy task to make him do as they wish, any more than they found it easy to coerce Greece. The obstinacy of incompetence is one of the hardest things to deal with, whether in school or in international affairs. American sympathy with the Cuban revolt is undoubtedly much limited by the feeling that if the insurgents were successful they would not have the cohesion and the intelligence to establish a government much more satisfactory than that of Spain. The de

lay of the Senate and the apathy of the country regarding the annexation of the Sandwich Islands originates partly from a feeling that the race problems there present are too complicated for us to deal with them. England's extension of empire is constantly defended on the ground that she can govern the peoples she subdues better than they can govern themselves. Long ago our present ambassador to Great Britain voiced the American feeling regarding such matters by saying that any people was fit for freedom, because no people was fit for anything else. The civilized nations of the world are not holding to this view very closely, and perhaps we ourselves are not holding to it as closely as we once did, since most of the periodicals are congratulating the country on the fact that immigration was less than during any year since the federal government took charge

of the matter.

Poetry and international politics.

Of late our government has been getting the reputation with other nations of being aggressive, and even of wishing to pick a quarrel with some one. England, also, is getting herself worse hated than ever. A small fact that indicates tendencies is the splitting apart of the English Review of Reviews and the American edition of the same periodical. In July the American magazine changed its name, and seems inclined to turn from being ostentatiously international to ostentatiously national. There will, however, be no real drifting apart of the English-speaking world if its nations can but make their own the spirit of Mr. Rudyard Kipling's splendid "Recessional," which is one of the echoes of the queen's jubilee that has lately reached us. The first and last verses are here given:

"God of our fathers, known of all

Lord of our far-flung battle-line-
Beneath whose awful hand we hold
Dominion over palm and pine-
Lord God of Hosts, be with us yet,
Lest we forget-lest we forget!

"For heathen heart that puts her trust
In reeking tube and iron shard-
All valiant dust that builds on dust,
And guarding calls not Thee to guard-
For frantic boast and foolish word,
Thy Mercy on Thy People, Lord!"

Amen."

Nothing more worthy of a great national celebration has appeared since Whittier's centennial hymn. AMOS G. WARNER,

Stanford University.

I. ERY little space will be given this year to narrative text, or to method. Copious extracts will be made from the sources. The aim will be to choose the extracts in such a way that they may to a great extent tell their own story. In the ten numbers of the MONTHLY it is intended to illustrate ten phases of American history by calling in contemporaries to speak for themselves. Of course these extracts are expected to do little else than whet the appetite for more. It is hoped that the spirit of original research may be intensified in this way to such an extent that the reader may wish to go to the more extended compilations of sources. Professor Hart's new work, "American History as Told by Contemporaries," in four volumes, will meet the want of many. Many extracts may be found in the MONTHLY which could not have been laid before its readers had not this compilation been available. Niles' "Documents Illustrative of the American Revolution" is also a valuable and convenient collection of sources bearing on the American Revolution. Profes sor Woodburn's revision of Johnston's "American Orations" has increased the usefulness of that valuable work. It now consists of four volumes of the best speeches on all political topics made by American statesmen. The reader of these articles will thus recognize that they contain only an insignificant fraction of the available material, but it is hoped that these papers may throw light on a few of the many great questions in the development of the life and thought of the American people. May we not at least hope that those who cannot. have access to the more elaborate works, or those whose time is too limited to use them, may find something to aid them in these briefer extracts?

To get the greatest value from this work the writer believes that definite, systematic work is necessary. On the whole, the plan outlined in the September and October numbers of the JOURNAL of last year is believed to be a desirable one. Questions will accompany each

paper this year. They will aim to direct the thought to the most important points in the extracts, and to bring out the hidden meanings. The new reader may perhaps understand the method from a few explanatory sentences. In the first place, a written answer should be prepared for every question, accompanied by the page reference to the proof for the answer. Then an outline should be prepared arranging in proper and logical order the knowledge which has been accumulated in answering the questions. This second step is followed by the third, which consists in writing a paper following the "outline" and based on the answers to the questions for the "material" or matter which it contains. In brief, we first gather our "material," then make an "outline," and finally write our "narrative" history. It is believed that those who will conscientiously follow this plan will by the end of the year have gained much in power, in knowledge of method, and in general culture and information.

More or less explanatory matter will be introduced into the extracts, but in all cases it will be inclosed in brackets [ ]. The editor will, however, in general leave the contemporary writers to tell their own story. Last year it seemed necessary to argue for the use of the sources. In Nebraska at least the acceptance of the principle is now so nearly universal that it would be like carrying a feather bed downstairs at a fire to elaborate further on the subject. The only question now is to make the sources available to the teachers and students of the state. Time will determine the success of this experiment.

Teachers who wish credit in the University of Nebraska may secure it by keeping a note-book, and at the end of the year submitting it for inspection. The note-book should also show the time given to the work from day to day. The amount of credit will, of course, vary with the quantity and quality of work done.

II.

The planting of the colonies may be said in general to extend from 1600 to 1700. By the latter date they were firmly established and the

lines of their movement well determined. The social, religious, political, educational, and industrial life must all be considered in our study. Also the purposes of colonization and the character of the emigrants, as well as the Indians, are factors in our study. Selections, therefore, have been made to illustrate each of these problems.

1. Reasons for colonization.

Then shall her Majesties dominions be enlarged, her highnesse ancient titles justly confirmed, all odious idlenesse from this our Realm utterly banished, divers decayed towns repaired, and many poor and needy persons relieved, and estates of such as now live in want shall be embettred, the ignorant and barbarous idolaters taught to know Christ, the innocent defended from their bloodie tyrannicle neighbors, the diabolicale custome of sacrificing humane creatures abolished.

Voyages, etc.

.-1582. Sir Geo. Peckham in Hakluyt;

ayming at the glory of God, the propagation of the gospell of Christ, the conversion of the Indians, and the enlargment of the King's Majesty's dominions in America. -Hart, I, p. 190.

2. The emigrants: Class, laws concerning. 1582. Sir Geo. Peckham proposed to get rid of

a great number of men which do now live idely at home, and are burthnous, chargeable, and to the common annoy of the whole state. Hakluyt.

1637.- No persons being Subsidy Men [liable for taxes] or of the value of Subsidy Men shall emigrant.-Proclamation, Chas. I.

that

You are to take such a course vagrants and others who remain here noxious and unprofitable, may be soe transplanted to the generall advantage of the publique as well as the particular commoditie of our Forraine Plantacons.-1660. Instructions for the Councill for Forraigne Plantacons. From Documents relating to New York History.

And probably many vagrants agreed with Charles II., for, in 1679, two bright Dutch travelers tell us of a "Godless Emigrant Ship" bound for New York.

In fine it was a Babel. I have never in my life heard of such a disorderly ship. It was confusion without end. I have never been in a ship where there was so much vermin, which was communicated to us. There were some bunks and clothes as full as if they had been sown. But I must forbear.-Long Island Hist. Society, Memoirs.

On the other side, hear Rev. Francis Higginson, 1629:

The passage was through God's blessing

short

and speedy-6 weeks and 3 days, healthful to our passengers, being freed from the great contagion of the scurvie and other

away the lives of many; and withal, a pious and Christianlike passage; for I suppose passengers will seldom find a company of more religious, honest and kynd seamen than we had. We constantly served God morning and evening by reading and expounding a chapter, singing, and prayer. And the Sabbath was solemnly kept by adding preaching twice and catechising. And in our great need we kept 2 solemn fasts Let all that love and use fasting and prayer take notice that it is as prevailable by sea as by land, whensoever it is faithfully performed.—Quoted in Hart, I, p. 194, from Thomas Hutchinson's Collections. 3. The Indians.

at

It is agreed that ye Councell meet the Morrow Sr. Ferd: Gorges Lodgings for conferring about ye forme of a patent betweene 7 and 8 o'clock in ye morneing.

The royal generosity of the kings in giving away continents is well illustrated by this account of how the above company disposed of New England, 1623:

There were presented to the Kings most excellent Matie a Plot of all the Coasts and lands of New England devided into twenty parts each part conteyning two shares, And twenty lotts conteyning the said double shares made upp in little bales of waxe, And the names of twenty Pattentees by whom these lotts were to be drawne.--From Proceedings American Antiquarian Society.

Having given the lands to the companies, these must settle them. The proposal of the

proprietors of Carolina in 1663 illustrates the method, and the expectations:

Wee will grante to every present Undrtaker for his oune head, 100 acres of land, to him and his heires forever, to be held in free and common Soccage, & for every man Sarvt yt he shall bringe or send thithr yt is fitt to bare Armes, armed wth a good fierlocke Musket, performed boare, 12 bullets to ye pound, and wth 20 lb. of powder & 20 lb. of Bullets, 50 acres of land.-Hart, I, 297.

The charters show the crude geographical ideas and the dangers inherent in promiscuous grants. In the instruction given by Charles II., in 1660, to the first Council for Foreign Plantations we find the following unconscious estimate of this chaos:

You shall informe yourselves by the best wayes and meanes you can of the state and condicon of all Forraigne Plantacións, and by what comissions or authorities they are and have bene governed and disposed of; and are to procure copies of all such comissions and graunts

that you may be the better able to understand judge and administer. Documents, New York.

In 1621 the Virginia Company, of London, tells us how they sent over fifty young women to be given in marriage for "one hundred and fiftie pounds of the best leafe tobacco for each of them;" for, they add, "we have used extraordinary care and diligence in the choice of them, and have received none of whom we have not had good testimony of theire honest life and cariadge."

In 1660 Charles II., in his instructions for the first Council for Foreign Plantations, has the following:

You are to apply your selves to all prudentiall meanes for the rendering those dominions usefull to England and England helpfull to them, and for the bringing the severall Colonies and Plantacons, within themselves, into a more certaine civill and uniforme of goveremt and for the better ordering and distributeing of publique justice among them.-Documents, New York.

Captain Pagnam

Sir Humph

George Piercy,

Dr. Meadows, Geo. Bolls, Esq., Sher

iff of London, Wm. Crashaw, Clerk, Batchelor of Divinity, Thomas Harris, Gentleman, Geo. Walker, Sadler, John Swinhow, stationer, Wm. Brown, shoemaker, Frances Binley, minister, Richard Shepherd, preacher, William Shirley, haberdasher, Wm. Gibbs, merchant, Thomas Gypes, cloth-maker, John Dike, fishmonger, Christopher Vertue, vintner, the Company Robert that they shall be one Body or Commonalty perpetual "having that part of America called Virginia. [description follows, but it is too long

of Goldsmiths, the Company of Brewers Chening, yeoman,

to quote].-Charter, 1609. Poore, Charters.

1610. Virginia.-Sir Thomas Gates draws the character of the first settlers. There was a great shipwrack in the continent of Va. by the tempest of dissention: every man overvaluing his own worth, would be a Commander; every man underprising an others value, denied to be commanded. The next fountaine of woes was secure negligence, and improvidence, when every man sharked for his present bootie, but was altogether carlesse of succeeding penurie. Unto idlenesse you may joyne treasons, wrought by those unhallowed creatures that forsooke the Colony. Unto Treasons, you may joyne covetousnesse in the Mariners, who partly imbezzled the provisions, partly prevented our trade with the Indians, making the matches in the night, and forestalling our market in the day.

most

Cast up this reckoning together: want of government, store of idlenesse, their expectations frustrated by the traitors, their market spoyled by the Mariners, our nets broken, the deere chased, our boats lost, our hogs killed, our trade with the Indians forbidden, some of our men fled, some murthered, and weakened, and indanngered, famyne and sicknesse by all these meanes increased. -Hart, I, 206–208. 1619. Virginia. We have an official "Reporte of the ... General Assembly convened at James City, in Virginia, July 30, 1619, consisting of the Governor, the Counsell of Estates, and two Burgesses elected out of eache Incorporation and Plantation, and being dissolved the 4th of August."

The most convenient place we could finde to sitt in was the Quir of the Churche Where Sir George Yeardley, the Governor, being sitt down in his accustomed place, those of the Counsel of Estate sate nexte him on both handes, except onely the Secretary then appointed Speaker, who sate right before him, John Twine, Clerke of the General assembly, being placed next the Speaker, and Thomas Pierse. the Sergeant, standing at the barre, to be ready for any Service the Assembly should command him. But forasmuche as men's