preaching of the Gospel is God's own ordinance for the conversion of men, and building them up in the faith of Christ, of course this ought first to be provided for. But we are now especially referring to the obligations of congregations and societies, as such, in spreading the work of God; and we cannot but consider it to be the duty of large bodies of evangelical Christians, to plant some of their numbers in destitute neighbourhoods; not the least eminent, gifted, and respectable in position; but such persons as are calculated to commend, adorn, and give stability to a new interest, in all its departments. But this ought not to be of the nature of an amputation. The central body should sustain the weak and dependent off-shoots, till, by the divine blessing, they, in their turn, may be able not only to maintain their own position, but also give existence to new establishments.

This extension of evangelical societies, in connexion with preaching and the means of grace, we believe to be essential, to meet the peculiar wants of the age. We lament that, at present, the multiplication of new churches in our populous places gives no security as to the extension of the truth of God, the knowledge of the Saviour, the peculiar doctrines of the Gospel, or of a provision for the conversion and edification of the souls of the people. Nay, on the contrary, the increase of these places of worship, with the setting up of the doctrines and usages of Tractarianism, or of doctrines of an equally semi-Popish tendency, if not in the peculiar garb of that party, constitute an additional reason for the adoption of the evangelic principle on the part of those who hold "the truth as it is in Jesus." A careful survey of the spiritual state of our populous towns and cities must deeply impress, with painful and melancholy sensations, any person who really believes that moral crime is the hateful thing which it is represented to be in the word of God. In case these congregated masses, only existed under the unsophisticated evils and miseries of sin, they would present a picture sufficiently appalling ;-the laceration of a wounded conscience; the fire and agitation of unsubdued passion; the feelings of lust, fraud, revenge, so constantly at work, and heaving the mighty mass like the agitations of the ocean in a tempest, or the earth under the throes of the earthquake; the miseries of poverty, disease, disappointed hope, broken hearts, and minds battling with a night of misery, without one bright star of hope ;—all this, we say, which is but a faint picture of the moral state of our great cities, is sufficient to strike dismay into the thoughtful mind. In case religion did her utmost, and every Minister was true to the call of Christ; every place of worship was a temple of light, every professed Christian a zealous and laborious disciple, every tongue vocal in expostulation and prayer, and all the means within the reach of Christian people were energetically applied; even then, it is to be feared that the fathomless bog of wickedness would only be very partially drained. What, then, shall be thought, when the very reverse of this is the case? when, in fact, a religious delusion is brought in to aid the corruptions of the human heart, and the profligacy of the world? Surely it is enough that infidelity scoffs; that a ribald press pours its floods of pollution; that Popery "peeps and mutters" in the dark, by her pantomimes, her Jesuits, her idolatries, and her soul-destroying errors ;-surely, we say, all these agencies, in the hands of the prince of darkness, are enough, in addition to the common sin, without the production of an Anglican imposture. We deplore the existence of a moral pestilence, which is irritating with feverish excitement the popular mind of the country, borne from the Italian miasmata, where monstrous broods of evil, like the feculent life of stagnant water, have for ages

and ages risen, darkened the heavens, and spread desolation through the nations. We are sufficiently distressed to see this exotic plague spreading; but to behold the English mind spending its energies to forge a lie, and then to send it forth to second the work of the "man of sin," is infinitely humiliating. The plausibilities of a refined sophistry; the show of learning and research; the employment of philosophical generalities; the simulation of great meekness, sanctity, and humility; the exercise of selfdenying zeal; and the employment of a refined poetry and eloquence; do not alter the character of the evil in question. The scepticism of Gibbon and Hume was essentially the same as that of Payne or Owen, inasmuch as both consisted in the denial of the truth of Christianity; and the only points of difference are found in the manner in which each party dressed up their negations. So it is with regard to Puseyism, as compared with any other heresy. Its essential evil consists in putting away the vital truths of the evangelical system. Its denials and its substitutions may be somewhat different from other forms of error; but one system without Christ truly exhibited, and the other doctrines of the new covenant, is much the same as another. Then our position is, that the spread of Tractarianism is additional to all the other enormous evils of the social state of this country; demanding the utmost attention of good men, and the counteraction of such means as can only be originated and carried out by evangelical churches.

Christian societies, located in the midst of a dense population, must possess the means of great influence, if they choose to employ it. It may be difficult to conceive how these bodies may be more influential for good than at present; but our general idea is, that the times require that they act more on the aggressive principle. By this is not meant a general support of the religious and charitable institutions of the place or neighbourhood; but specific action, on the part of the church in question, on its own local population. It is not enough, as we conceive, for congregations to conserve the ordinances of the Gospel in their purity and power amongst themselves. The principle of developement, growth, and progression, belongs to every thing which is divine. All the theories and legal enactments passed or proposed by the Christian statesmen and philosophers of our times, proceed on the statu quo principle. The fact admitted, the act of legislation or the favour granted, in each and every case, is found to relate to things as they are. The Protestant Minister may visit his own member, teach his own children, preach to his own flock; but it is now deemed most uncharitable, and is treated as a grave offence, for him to turn aside, to speak to a real or a semi-Papist on the subject of his salvation. The ecclesiastical demarcations existing around, are growing into sacred rights. This cannot be admitted by the true Christian. The Gospel of the blessed God only knows of one separating line amongst mankind; namely, that which divides the believer and the unbeliever. There can only be two parties, properly considered, although they may be distinguished by many names. Then, in case it is given to a society of men to know the truth as it is in Jesus, and in their immediate locality a great mass of persons are found who know not this truth, can it be right on the part of this society to allow their neighbours to remain unvisited, uncared for, uninstructed, because they statistically fall under some of the divisions of Papist, Puseyite, Socinian, infidel, or any other designation?

But the point of difference between the two parties is not one of truth and error merely. If the Gospel is anything beyond a theory, it will be

found that all true believers are justified men, the children of God, regenerate, possess the Spirit of Christ, the love of God, the hope of heaven; and though exposed to the common sufferings of others, yet that they enjoy a peace, a power, and a spring of consolation, which afford real happiness. But the same sacred authority teaches, most distinctly, that all unbelievers are condemned already;" that the "wrath of God abideth on them ;" that, in fine, in case they continue in their unbelief and sin, they must perish everlastingly. Now, can it be the design of God, that they who enjoy the blessings of faith and grace should be indifferent as to those who are destitute of these privileges? It may be said, "But these parties belong to some other ecclesiastical body; and it is wrong to enter the enclosure of another; and the attempt at proselytism is against the spirit of the age." It is enough to reply, that the souls of these perishing men of right belong to Christ; and yet that they lie under the dominion of the destroyer; and, moreover, that it must be the duty of the Christian to endeavour to bring them out of their dangerous state. We may add, that church polity, canonical or ecclesiastical arrangements, rubrical ceremonies, or parcelling out the souls of men on the parochial, or any other, system, cannot insure their salvation. It is not a human regimen which can give authority to bad men to look on these persons as their own peculiar flock. They may be assured that the chief Bishop and Shepherd never committed these sheep into their hands. In the mean time, it is enough for a Chris tian society to witness multitudes living in gross immoralities and sin, destitute of the peace, consolations, and hope of the Gospel, as in itself a sufficient warrant and call for interposition and exertions. By out-door and cottage preaching; by the establishment of prayer-meetings; by a liberal distribution of truly evangelical tracts; by visitations to the houses of as many as may be accessible by persons known and living near; by conversation and testimony; and, at suitable times, when the parent-society will allow of it, the separation of some of their number to a fresh locality, as the nucleus and foundation of a new centre; are points which ought to be constantly attended to, as the settled order of the church system. Through these and other means a wide-spread evangelism would be promoted and exercised; and nothing but this can successfully antagonize the peculiar sins and errors of the day on the one side, or lead to the conversion of men on the other.

4. It is, we presume, too early to propose or to expect a congress of evangelical churches to support the cause of truth. This, in all probability, will take place at some period. Our impression is, that the evangelical bodies possess much more power than they have the means of using. Their strength cannot be developed without some kind of federal, or other form of, union. It is easy to see that in case the several parties constituting the class in question, could be brought to act together to promote their principles and extend the truth of God, they would be found, as to numbers, weight of character, and means of doing good, superior to any other. The isolation, not to say the jealousy and hostile feelings towards each other, cherished by these bodies, constitute their weakness. We confess that, from all we witness, we have very little hope that this state of things will, for many years to come, be much altered. Our conviction, however, is, that this will ultimately be the result ; otherwise, the Protestant interest must be much weakened, and perhaps be finally subverted in this country. For some years a mighty pressure has certainly set in against the Protestant religion. Primarily this

swell originated in Popery proper. Since the settlement of Europe in 1815, the Papacy has nerved itself to the assertion and vindication of its claims. Ireland presented a fine basis for its operations in these islands, and the advantage has been skilfully improved. The question has been mixed up with politics, and by Statesmen chiefly considered in relation to political party, irrespective of the religious subjects involved. Hence our Senators in general, of all parties, are committed to the principle of removing the ban from the Church of Rome as an idolatrous, antichristian, and heretical community. These were the sentiments of the Reformers respecting the Papacy, embodied in the Articles, Homilies, CoronationService, and, in fact, in all the documents establishing the Protestant Church and State in Great Britain. This is either true or false. If it be false, then these establishments themselves are injurious usurpations ; if true, then the Reformation is justified on that fact. Has Popery ceased to be an idolatrous and antichristian system? It is now what it was at the Reformation. Now the legislative and State countenance given to Popery, in recent times, must rest on one of two principles: it must either proceed on the opinion, that the Papacy is not an idolatrous and antichristion hierarchy; or, otherwise, adhering to the sentiments of the Reformation that it is so, then the legislation and favour in question must rest on the opinion, that an idolatrous and antichristian body is entitled to be treated on the same footing as those who profess the true Protestant faith. We know not which alternative is adopted by our Legislators; but the issue, practically, is the same. The ban of the State being thus removed from Popery, is it any wonder that the Puseyite party should move in that direction? Indeed it will be difficult to show any justifiable reason why union should not be sought with Rome, if all the great principles of the Reformation were falsely adopted; and the legislative removal of these fundamental-principles for the purpose of amalgamating the two systems into a compact and harmonizing oneness, would seem to indicate the belief of their fallacy by our Statesmen.

Puseyism, in all probability, originated in this. The State moved towards Rome first, and some of the Clergy of the Church, not overmuch influenced by the teaching of the Bible, imagined, as a civil, social, in fine, a political union and oneness was sought, that the same reasons which made it desirable that a civil union with Rome should take place, would equally hold for a religious and ecclesiastical concord. Whether the reasoning is sound or otherwise, we do not stop to inquire; but as to the fact we have no doubt. The case is a most natural one. We have two classes of officers connected with the State: the civil functionaries of Government and the Legislators of the two Houses of Parliament, and the spiritual functionaries of the established Church. The first, the civil class, adopt a policy, legislative and otherwise, as though the Pope's supremacy and rights of dominion were legitimate and well-founded; that the hierarchy of Rome is not an antichristian and idolatrous body, but a true and Christian Church; and those whose faith, consciences, affections, in fact, all that is moral in their souls, unite them in allegiance to a foreign despotism, and subject them to its entire sway, are just as good subjects as the Protestant population. This being the case with the civil, is it any wonder that portions of the ecclesiastical State should adopt similar notions and originate a similar movement? Why may not the religion of the nation move in the same direction as the civil policy of the country? If union with Rome is desirable in one case, why not in the other? It has generally been held

that, whatever may be the case with Nonconformist bodies, at least the religion of the Clergy ought to be loyal, they ought not to take a course in opposition to Parliament. Well, some of them exhibit this sort of loyalty. Statesmen, in their department, have for years been throwing down all the barriers of the constitution, and holding out the hand of paternal friendship towards Popery, as Popery; and why should not the ecclesiastical State follow this example? The union, it might be felt, could not be perfect unless cemented by the fusion of both elements into one mass. Be this as it may, facts are stubborn things; and it is most certain that Popish and antievangelical principles and sentiments have latterly fearfully advanced.

How can this state of things now be met but by moral means? and what so much calculated to give impression as the acknowledged union of the evangelical bodies?

But before this desirable result can be expected, several things, in all likelihood, must take place. The first is, the more compact and powerful action of the anti-evangelical forces of the country. This is in course of progress. The Irish Romanist Bishops are understood to be partially disarmed, the Repeal agitation to be nearly dissipated: what must be the issue of this? No doubt, the whole body of the Papacy will now, as they always have done, throw all their weight, spiritual and political, into the scale against evangelical religion. There may be some difference betwixt the present and the past position of this body of British subjects; but we are not sure but their present is a more dangerous influence than that which was exercised by the Lichfield-House compact. The Tractarian and HighChurch parties are moving in the same direction; for whatever differences may exist amongst themselves, there is none in their mutual hatred of evangelical truth. The greater number of our Statesmen are much more tolerant and liberal than the Ecclesiastics; but their liberality towards evangelical Christians is only the tolerance, in their opinion, of a weakness : it is not love of their sentiments. Let these several parties fully coalesce, and the laity get fully charged with the views of the several spiritual leaders of the sections; and the consequence must be a violent pressure on the evangelical churches of the country. This is, indeed, now going on in part, and as far as circumstances will allow. When this becomes more oppressive and injurious, our hope and expectation is, that it will lead to some mutual understanding and compact for the security of their respective privileges on the part of religious bodies. Necessity is usually the proximate cause of all such unions.

But another process is necessary. We mean the disentanglement of the essential truths of religion from those economical and denominational appendages with which they have been connected; at least so far as not to make the minor subject a reason for separation. What if some good men believe that evangelical truth can be best held and promoted by the episcopal system, others by the Presbyterian, others by the Independent, others by the Methodistic?-can these external modes be a legitimate ground of separation? The truth of God held by each party, is the life of their several systems; and on the basis of that truth alone must they meet, if ever they meet at all. But this is, or ought to be, ample ground for such fellowship. Surely all real believers in the single authority of the word of God, as the rule of faith, in the proper divinity of the Saviour, in the vicarious nature of his death, in the personality and divinity of the Holy Spirit, in the free justification of the sinner by grace through faith, in the renewal and sanctification of the soul by the truth applied by the Spirit,