WAGES GO UP AND PRICES GO DOWN.

As to Senator Turpie's deliberate misstatement regarding the advance in cost of the necessities of life, caused by the Protective Tariff, careful comparisons show that wages are much higher than in 1881 in most of the trades and manufactures. In connection with this showing the Massachusetts bureau of statistics has tabulated statements showing the relative value of commodities, and that while wages in nearly every branch of industry are higher than in former years, the wages earned now will purchase a much larger amount of necessities for the workingmen. The following table shows what $1 (gold) would buy in

These figures emphatically give the lie to Senator Turpie and his platform, and must be convincing to any man who reads them. If the Democrats of Indiana, or any other State, can afford to go before the people upon the issue of Bryan and free silver, and a tariff for revenue only, in face of the benefits that have been wrought by the change to a protective tariff, the Republican party is not only willing but mightily pleased.—Tacoma Ledger.

WAR WITH SPAIN.

History of Events Leading Up to the Conflict between the Two Nations.

The numerous, protracted and sanguinary struggles of the Cubans against Spain for the oppressive methods applied by the other country in the government of that colony is the record of

many years, during which the United States Government, called upon to make heavy sacrifices through the disturbance of commerce, observed the strictest neutrality. President Grant's term in office covered in part the period of the historic ten-year revolution, which was marked by the massacre of a number of the crew and passengers of the Virginius by Spanish soldiers. Part of the men aboard the ill-fated craft were snatched from the brink of the grave by the energetic action of our Government, and as the Spanish Crown disavowed the act and paid an indemnity in partial reparation of that crime, war was averted, and the revolution was suppressed.

Peace prevailed until February, 1895, when the revolution broke out anew, and Spain sent an army to Cuba under General Campos to suppress the insurgents a third time. The history of that struggle, including the recall of Campos and the appointment of Weyler, the famous concentration order of October, 1896, and the starvation of the helpless rustic population, forced to leave their homes and concentrate within the military zones, is familiar to every American.

Although the war between Spain and the insurgents had been in progress two years when President McKinley was inaugurated, the Cleveland Administration, beyond a timid representation to the Spanish Government which was not heeded, made no efforts to check the atrocities of the struggle and paid no attention to the action of the Fifty-fourth Congress in recommending intervention for the establishment of an independent government. The infamous concentration order went into effect in October, 1896, prior to the election, and the Democratic Administration was in power for nearly six months during the enforcement of that cruel policy, yet not a hand was uplifted to stay Weyler in his carnival of blood. Senator Morgan, from the Committee on Foreign Relations, in the Senate, reported a concurrent resolution as a substitute for various resolutions on January 29, 1896 (Record, page 1210), and on February 5, 1896, he reported a further substitute. These resolutions were debated in the Senate, beginning February 20, 1896, and continuing at intervals until February 28, 1896, when the Senate voted on the various proposition's pending, and passed the following by a vote of 64 yeas to 6 nays:

Resolved by the Senate (the House of Representatives concurring), That in the opinion of Congress a condition of public war exists between the Government of Spain and the government proclaimed and for some time maintained by force of arms by the people of Cuba; and that the United States of America should maintain a strict neutrality between the contending powers, according to each all the rights of belligerents in the ports and territory of the United States.

Resolved, further, That the friendly offices of the United States should be offered by the President to the Spanish Government for the recognition of the independence of Cuba.

The Senate concurrent resolution was received in the House the same day.

On February 27, 1896, in the House of Representatives, Mr. Hitt, from the Committee on Foreign Affairs, reported the resolution previously presented by him.

On March 2, 1896, Mr. Hitt, of Illinois, moved that the rules be suspended, that the Committee on Foreign Affairs be discharged from further consideration of the Senate concurrent resolutions in regard to the relations between the United States and Cuba, and that the resolution which he sent to the desk be adopted by the House as a substitute therefor:

Resolved by the House of Representatives (the Senate concurring), That in the opinion of Congress a state of public war exists in Cuba, the parties to which are entitled to belligerent rights, and the United States should observe a strict neutrality between the belligerents.

Resolved, That Congress deplores the destruction of life and property caused by the war now raging in that island, and believing that the only permanent solution of the contest equally in the interest of Spain, the people of Cuba, and other nations would be in the establishment of a government by the choice of the people of Cuba, it is the sense of Congress that the Government of the United States should use its good offices and friendly influences to that end.

Resolved, That the United States has not intervened in struggles between any European governments and their colonies on this continent; but from the very close relations between the people of the United States and those of Cuba in consequence of its proximity and the extent of commerce between the two peoples, the present war is entailing such losses upon the people of the United States that Congress is of the opinion that the Government of the United States should be prepared to protect the legitimate interests of citizens by intervention if necessary.

After debate on the same day, the rules were suspended and the resolutions agreed to-yeas, 262; nays, 17.

The House substitute was transmitted to the Senate, and after the correction of some clerical errors, on March 4, 1896, the Senate asked for a conference.

On April 1, in the House, and April 6, 1896, in the Senate, the conference report was agreed to, the House having receded. The Senate resolutions were thus adopted.

President Cleveland took no action respecting these resolutions. The Republican convention, which met in July following the passage of this resolution, took substantially the same view of the question. It declared:

m the hour of achieving their own independence, the people 'nited States have regarded with sympathy the struggles

of other American peoples to free themselves from European domination. We watch with deep and abiding interest the heroic battle of the Cuban patriots against cruelty and oppression, and our best hopes go out for the full success of their determined contest for liberty.

The Government of Spain, having lost control of Cuba, and being unable to protect the property or lives of resident American citizens, or to comply with its treaty obligations, we believe that the Government of the United States should actively use its influence and good offices to restore peace and give independence to the island.

The utterly barbarous treatment of thousands of defenseless women and children, involving the destruction by slow starvation of nearly half of the native population of the island, appealed so powerfully to American sentiment, that a spontaneous outburst of indignation went up, and the desire became universal to snatch these pitiable victims of Spanish cruelty from the grasp of their remorseless persecutors. Soon after the inauguration of the Republican Administration vigorous diplomatic representations were made to the Spanish Crown, and under this pressure the Spanish Government reluctantly promised to ameliorate the rigor of its policy. Weyler was recalled, but before taking his departure from Havana was féted and publicly honored by the Spanish residents of that city as a protest against the decision of the Sagasta ministry. The recall of Weyler, and the evidences of American diplomatic interference with the policy of oppression were bitterly resented, and while nominally the Spanish Government was putting promised reforms into execution, such as revoking the concentration order, permitting American supplies for the reconcentrados to be landed, and giving Cuba a shadowy form of self-government, the appearance of acceding to our suggestions was admittedly on the surface only, for the purpose of gaining time and in the hope that the ire aroused in this country would gradually die out. Spain, by its own admission, wholly misconstruing public sentiment in this country, refused to consider war a possibility.

And but for a series of important side events, it is likely that war could have been averted even then. One of these was the publication of a letter written by the Spanish minister, which grossly reflected upon President McKinley. Further irritation was caused by the demand, diplomatically couched, for the recall of Consul-General Lee from Havana, which was not acceded to by this Government. At the same time every possible obstruction was made to the distribution of the food and medicine and clothing sent to Cuba by sympathetic Americans in vast stores to relieve the distress of the starving reconcentrados. Several American consuls were threatened with death for performing this act of Christian charity;

sailors from the ships landing supplies were nearly mobbed, and compelled to retreat to their vessels for safety. Consul-General Lee was believed to be in imminent danger of losing his life at the hands of assassins.

The American Government carefully avoided giving offense to Spain, despite heavy provocations; and this strengthened Spanish jingoism in the belief that fear of a conflict inspired our forbearance; so that, when this Government announced, early in 1898, that it would resume former cordial relations with Spain by sending a warship on a friendly mission to Havana Harbor, the proud nation replied by sending one of her most formidable war crafts, the Vizcaya, to New York Harbor in February of this year, ostensibly in response to this friendly act, but in reality to awe and impress us with her power. Such was the bitterness of feeling against Americans among the Spanish residents of Havana that General Lee felt impelled to inform the State Department that it was not safe to send a ship; but, unfortunately, the Maine was almost at that hour steaming into Havana port, and there was no way of heeding the advice of the consul-general and to avert the frightful consequences of that step.

In the night of February 15, the Maine, while lying peacefully at anchor in Havana Harbor, was destroyed by an explosion, resulting in the death of 260 American seamen.

A wave of indignation swept over the country. Nothing restrained the fury of our people but the injunction of Captain Sigsbee, of the Maine, in his telegram to the Navy Department, asking that judgment be suspended; for every one felt that this act of a secret assassin had taken place in a friendly harbor while the ship claimed the protection and hospitality of the Spanish Government, and that Spain was directly or indirectly responsible for the outrage. With rare fortitude the American people restrained their wrath, and consented to delay until an official investigation into the cause of the explosion could be instituted.

A naval board of inquiry was appointed. Divers were employed, and several weeks were spent in investigating the cause of the ship's destruction. After an examination of numerous witnesses and the taking of a great deal of expert testimony as to the condition of the wreck, the board returned its finding, which in substance was that the Maine had been blown up from external causes. Other evidence went to show, indirectly if not directly, that Spanish officers had had cognizance of a plan to blow up the ship.

Long before the report was made known, this verdict was foreshadowed as the probable finding of the board, and the situation growing daily more intolerable, with war prospective in the im