the New World. Securing royal consent, Compte de Soissons became Lieutenant General for the King in New France with vice regal powers. Champlain, in turn, was made his lieutenant, "with full control of the trade in furs and with power to associate with himself such persons as he saw fit, to aid in the exploration and settlement of the country."

Scarcely was the commission drawn, when collapse of the enterprise was threatened through the death of Compte de Soissons. The situation was saved by Henri de Bourbon, Prince de Condé, first prince of the blood, assuming the vacant protectorship. Champlain was retained with undiminished powers. To him, two great objects eclipsed all others: to find a route to India; and to bring the heathen tribes to the Church. "He did not seek to establish an odious monopoly; he sought rather to enlist the rival traders in his cause; and he now, in concurrence with De Monts, invited them to become members under certain regulations, and on condition of aiding in the support of the colony."

November 20th, 1612, Prince de Condé was formally appointed Lieutenant General of New France and president of the new company. Two days later, Champlain was "appointed governor with boundless powers. He was enjoined to foster and extend the Roman Catholic religion," but in particular he was to make exploration "in order to find an easy route by which to go through the said country to China and the East Indies."3

In 1620, Condé sold his Lieutenant-Generalship of Canada to his brother-in-law, the Duke of Montmorency II, High Admiral of France, for eleven thousand crowns, (about $6,000.00). In the following year, Montmorency sought to place the trade in the hands of the De Caens, 2 Ibid., p. 374.

1 Ibid., p. 373.

3 Champlain, the Founder of New France, Dix, p. 152.

William, a Huguenot merchant, and Emery, his nephew, a naval captain, thereby dissolving the existing company. This caused dissatisfaction, both in France and in the new country. The friction was relieved by consolidating the interests; the old company receiving five twelfths of the consolidated stock, one twelfth of the five being reserved for the Sieur de Monts, then living in retirement, but who still retained an interest in the Canada enterprise.

The Company's business proved excellent; the skins exported to France numbering from fifteen to twenty thousand annually, and in one year twenty-two thousand. The Dutch at this time living at Albany and Manhattan, securing only about four hundred skins, still considered their business excellent. "Dividends as high as forty per cent were declared by the French Company.” The greater part of these furs came from the country of the Great Lakes and were transferred to the trading posts on the St. Lawrence in canoes by way of the Champlain route.

Richelieu came into power in France. Notwithstanding the onerous duties and delicate diplomacy required to successfully steer the ship of State, in the nominal hands of the weak King, Louis the Thirteenth, he still found time to attend to the affairs of the colonies. As Grand Master and Superintendent of Navigation and Commerce, the mismanaged affairs of New France were not long concealed from him; his remedy was prompt and powerful. "The old trading companies were swept away off the board and a new company which was commonly called the Hundred Associates was promptly formed."" Cardinal Richelieu gave his approval on April 29, 1627. On the 6th of May, 1628, the Council of State ratified the charter and thenceforth no Calvinist was to be allowed to enter New France. The company of the Hundred Associates was organized with a capital of three hundred thou1 Ibid., 189. 2 From Cartier to Frontenac, Winsor, p. 130.

sand livres ($60,000). Richelieu himself was at the head; its members were among the most prominent and wealthy of France. As in the time of Chauvin and of the Sieur de Monts, the monopoly of the fur trade was extended to include all of New France and was to be perpetual. The whale and cod fisheries, which were to be free to all, were exempted. All other commerce was to enjoy a monopoly of fifteen years. Nobles, officers and ecclesiastics, members of the company, might engage in commercial pursuits without derogating from the privileges of their orders. In evidence of his good will the King gave the company two ships of war, armed and equipped.

I

In consideration of the privileges granted, the company stipulated to convey to New France during the next year, 1628, two or three hundred men of all trades, and before the year 1643, the number was to be increased to at least four thousand persons of both sexes; to lodge and support them for three years, and at the end of this time, to give them cleared lands for their maintenance. Every settler must be a Frenchman and a Catholic. Every new settlement must be provided with at least three ecclesiastics.2 Ships were fitted out forthwith to take over to Quebec abundance of stores, tools, arms and ammunition, of which the colony stood in such dire need.

At the time this company was being organized, King Charles I of England was declaring war against King Louis XIII of France.

The first expedition under the auspices of the One Hundred Associates was launched with hopes and expectations of great achievement. It consisted of twenty vessels freighted with an enthusiastic band of settlers and generously supplied with needed stores for the colony. Alas, those expectations were soon turned to despair, the hopes blasted. David Kirke, an English captain, on his way to Pioneers of France, Parkman, p. 440. 2 Ibid., p. 444.

assist the Huguenots of La Rochelle, who were in arms against Louis XIII, fell in with this scattered flock and captured nineteen out of the twenty vessels.

This disaster so discouraged the few that reached the colony that the enthusiasm which had so animated the venture was lost. Quebec being left destitute of provisions and ammunition to stand a siege, in the following year, 1629, surrendered to the British. It did not lessen the misfortune which had befallen the colony to learn that peace had been declared between England and France prior to this capitulation.

The Associates, owing to the unfortunate fate of the company's first expedition, followed by four years of inaction, lost much of their aggressiveness, and, to lighten the burden of administration, handed over their religious obligations toward the colony to the Jesuits, giving them liberal grants of land.

Champlain still retained his interest in the colony which he had established, and, in 1633, returned to Canada as governor, bringing with him about one hundred colonists in three vessels.'

1 Canada and its Provinces, vol. ii, 325.

CHAPTER VI

The Jesuits Enter the Field-Nicollet Accompanies Father Brebeuf in 1634-Nicollet's Voyage to the Sault-Returns by Way of West Neebish and Detour-Passes Straits of Mackinaw on the One Hundreth Anniversary of Cartier's First Voyage up the St. LawrenceFirst White Man to View Lake Michigan-Secures Treaty Insuring Trade of Winnebagoes and Mascoutins-Returns to Quebec in 1635.

THE Recollets, having neither the men nor the means to enable them to make the desired progress in Christianizing the savages, soon recognized this fact, and in a spirit of sectarian liberality, invited the Jesuits to enter the field. Immediately after the restoration of Quebec to the French the eyes of these zealous and efficient Fathers were turned toward the New Country.

The treaty of St. Germain-en-Laye was signed in March, 1632, and, in April Father Paul le Jeune and Anne de Noue departed from France for the scene of their labors and hardships in the New World.'

Other Jesuit Fathers soon followed, and Brebeuf was dispatched to the Huron country where he labored at Toanchi, the scene of Brule's violent death, and near where we saw Father Le Caron in 1615.

In 1634 we find Brebeuf at Three Rivers ready with reinforcements to undertake again the arduous journey to the scenes of his labors in the Huron country.

Champlain, again at the head of the colony in 1633, sought with renewed vigor to push the work of explor⚫ Canada and its Provinces, vol. ii, p. 403.