CHAPTER XI. FRANCE AND SPAIN. Ir is one of the many advantages of that support, they who compose it a limited monarchy, however empty must be the assertors of freedom, and delusive may be its popular forms, which in all countries, where its that it consecrates in the hearts of the blessings can be appreciated, is a ponation certain invaluable maxims and pular, cause. There are examples, principles, directly opposed to those no doubt, of nations having, from the upon which despotism would rest its influence of association, and dislike extravagant pretensions. It is a con- of a sudden disruption of their habits dition, too, of such a form of govern- of thinking and feeling, been enament, that there must be two parties moured of a particular dynasty, or in the state, one in possession of of certain usages and forms, the mainpower, the other out of power, but tenance of which were incompatible struggling for its acquirement; and with public liberty; but even in those by each, when out of power, are those cases, it will be found that the peomaxims and principles appealed to, ple's imaginations had been excited, illustrated, and insisted upon, in order and their understandings abused, by to fix discredit upon the measures of their being made to believe certain the other. In process of time both things to be the symbols of, or adjuncts parties, at least those among them to, liberty, which were the very oppowho have any regard for consistency, site, and that unconsciously, and unbecome bound by the doctrines which der a delusion, they resisted the prothey have alternately advocated;-gress of a cause, which they sincerely the doctrines themselves become the thought they were promoting; and universal creed of the people, form- it would be difficult to furnish an exing the criterion by which they judge ample of a people, in the least enof every public measure; and public lightened, having deliberately, knowopinion, thus enlightened, and made ingly, and from choice, preferred abgenerous, is brought directly to bear solutism in government to genuine upon the springs of government, and freedom. powerfully influences its movements. Every organized opposition to government must, in fact, lean for support upon the people; and to obtain The history of England, after her Revolution, will illustrate those remarks; and as it reflects a strong light upon the working of French ing the purity and sapping the inde pendence of Parliament, of profligate expenditure of the public money; and, affecting the utmost horror of tyranny, they denounced all and each of the measures of government as directly tending to that consummation. They thus contended against the Whigs with their own weapons; and in so doing, sanctioned the very principles upon which the Revolution settlement was founded. In some of their pamphlets, especially those by Swift, sentiments occur which, even at this day, would be considered too violently republican. The object of the party was to inflame and array on their side the popular passion for liberty, and to stand forward as its most approved and disinterested champions. The Whigs, who certainly had some claims to that character, vigorously asserted them; and would by no means be outdone by their antagonists in popular professions. Thus, while the nation was divided between the two parties, the principles of liberty were inculcated and embraced by all; and when the strife had subsided, or waxed cold, it was found there was no longer an essential difference of opinion between them; and that principles which both had ostentatiously paid homage to, must henceforth be received and venerated by both as properly those of the constitution. politics at the present time, it may not be amiss to consider it leisurely. It would be too much to assert that the English people, at the close of the seventeenth and commencement of the eighteenth century, were more enlightened than the French of this day; or that their Bill of Rights communicated or confirmed more valuable privileges than the French Charter professes to do. It has to be considered also, that the Revolution settlement was displeasing to the great mass of the nation, who were eager for the restoration of the exiled dynasty, and this, certainly not from any admiration of the maxims which that dynasty had pursued, but partly from commiseration of fallen great ness, partly from their feelings being offended by the abrupt transfer of the sceptre to a foreign family, strangers to their laws, customs, and manners, and partly to the dread of their liberties being destroyed by the large standing army which the new government found it necessary to employ. In their hatred of the new system, they ceased vividly to remember the evils of the old one; and the harsh measures which their new rulers were forced occasionally to adopt, but, above all, the large increase made to taxation, threw the enormities of the family of Stuart comparatively into the shade. What was the conduct of the leaders of the Opposition party-the extreme Tories, As it was in England, so it will be when out of power, during that un- in France. In considerable portions settled period? Did they, in their of the French, there may be dislikes parliamentary speeches, or their pam- and antipathies to the present order phlets, try to inflame the discontents of things; but the collision of parties of the people by preaching up pas--the interests which are staked upon sive obedience and non-resistance, the success of either, have made them and the other distinguishing tenets a nation of politicians, who have to of their party? No: a few fanatics consult the charter as a common text among them did so; but the more book. In it there are no bald enuncijudicious of their party stood upon ations of abstract truths, as in the revothe ground of public liberty-accu- lutionary declaration of the Rights of sed the Whigs in power of corrupt- Man; but there are, (wrapped up, on VOL. XVIII. PART I. M doubt, in official phraseology, but still pervious to the understanding,) all the great political truths upon which the freedom of a nation depends. These may be paltered with in practice by the party in power for the time being, but can never be officially denied or impeached; and will eventually, in public opinion, acquire a sacredness, which it would be dangerous to outrage. Public opinion, too, has become of that consequence, that the party in opposition must assiduously cultivate it; which can only be done by exposing every inclination of the executive towards tyranny, and maintaining the chartered rights and privileges of the people. Public attention, in this way, is directed more eagerly to every measure, and public opinion is thus enlightened and confirmed; and, ultimately, the love of liberty becomes not merely a passion with the nation, but an irradicable habit. So many have been the revolutions in the French Cabinet since the return of the Bourbons, that almost every statesman of any note has, at one period or other, mingled in the ranks of the Opposition, and, in that position, extolled the charter and promulged constitutional principles, even though, when in the service of the state, he may not have paid hypocritical compliments to the one, or falsely professed any esteem for the other; and thus chartered liberty, at one time or another, has obtained a sanction in the recorded authority of men of all parties, which must effectually rivet it in the public mind. Men, too, mindful of the injuries which the Revolution had inflicted on their families-the Jesuits, too, whose craving for power is insatiable, may conspire and plot against the constitutional system, and the court may secretly lend itself to their designs-designs which have been too successful; but though the charter has already been scandalously encroached upon, public opinion is acquiring a force which will render it an effectual barrier against farther serious encroachments. The truly constitutional party in the state will be daily reinforced by deserters from the extreme parties, whose extravagances must disgust the more sober-minded among them; and those parties, if they do not moderate their views, will sooner or later sink into insignificance, or incur what is equally fatal-universal derision. There is one circumstance in the political frame of French society, most auspicious to public freedom. Under the ancient regime the law profession, including the judges, were distinguished by their liberality, and also by their hostility to the political influence of the priesthood, whom they regarded as the main contrivers of every despotic measure, which, as rendering the law in a measure powerless, and circumscribing its operation, detracted from its dignity, and, by consequence, from the usefulness and dignity of the profession. The ancient feud between the courts of law and the priesthood appears to have been revived. The former, alarmed at the influence which the latter have acquiredaware that every recent attack upon public liberty has proceeded from them, seem perfectly well disposed, devoted royalists though they be, in every state prosecution which is brought before them, to interpret the laws both mildly and liberally. By doing so, they no less uphold the dignity of the Crown, which priestly influence ever degrades, than they fortify the rights of the people; and by acquiring the national confidence and respect, have done much to stifle every revolutionary aspiration. ན On 22d December the first Session of the French Chambers in the new reign of Charles X. was opened by his Majesty with the following speech: "GENTLEMEN,-The first want of my heart is to speak to you of my grief and of your own; we have lost a King, wise and good, tenderly be loved by his family, venerated by his people, honoured and respected by all foreign governments. "The glory of his reign will never be effaced. Not only did he re-establish the throne of my ancestors, but he consolidated it by institutions, which, bringing together and uniting the past with the present, have restored to France repose and happi ness. "The touching affliction which the whole nation felt at the last moments of the King my brother, was to me the sweetest of all consolations; and I can say with truth, it was to this cause that I owe the power of fully enjoying the confidence with which my accession to the throne has been received. "This confidence shall not be deceived. Gentlemen, I know all the duties which Royalty imposes on me; but, strong in my love for the people, I hope, with the aid of God, to have the courage and firmness necessary for their due fulfilment. "I announce to you with pleasure, that the dispositions of foreign governments have experienced no change, and leave me no doubt respecting the maintenance of those friendly relations which subsist between them and myself. The spirit of conciliation and prudence which animates them gives to the nations the strongest guarantee which they have ever had against the return of those troubles by which they were for so long a time desolated. “I shall neglect nothing to maintain that happy agreement which is its fruit. With this object it was that I consented to prolong still fur ther the stay in Spain of a part of the troops which my son had left there after a campaign, which, both as a Frenchman and a father, I may call glorious. A recent Convention has regulated the conditions of this temporary measure in such manner as to conciliate the interests of the two monarchies. "The just security which our foreign relations give us will favour the developement of our internal prosperity. I will second this salutary movement, Gentlemen, by causing to be successively proposed to you the melioration required by the sacred interests of religion, and by the most important parts of our Legisla tion. "The King my brother found a great consolation in preparing the means of closing the last wounds of the Revolution. The moment has arrived to execute the wise designs which he had conceived. The situation of our finances will permit the accomplishment of this great act of justice and of policy without augmenting the imposts, without injuring public credit, without retrenching any part of the funds destined to the different branches of the public service. "These results, perhaps beyond expectation, Gentlemen, are due to the order established with your concurrence in the fortune of the State, and to the peace which we enjoy. I entertain a firm confidence that you will enter into my views, and that this restorative order will be completed by a perfect harmony of will between you and myself. "I have resolved that the ceremony of my Coronation shall terminate the First Session of my reign. You will assist, Gentlemen, at that august solemnity. There, prostrated at the foot of the same altar where Clovis received the Sacred Unction, and in presence of Him who judges nations and Kings, I will renew the oath to maintain, and cause to be observed, the laws of the State, and the institutions granted by the King, my brother; I will thank Divine Providence for having deigned to make use of me in order to repair the last misfortunes of my people; and I will beseech the Almighty to continue to protect that beauteous France, which I am proud of governing." The proceedings of the Chambers were commenced on the 23d by the election of five candidates for the Presidency of the Deputies, and the appointment of Bureaux, or Committees, to prepare the address in the Peers. The candidates named for the Presidency were M. Ravez, M. Chilhaud de la Rigaudie, the Prince de Montmorency, M. de Longueve, and the Marquis de Baily. Of these the King nominated the first mentioned, M. Ravez. M. Martignac was made choice of for the Vice-Presidency. On the occasion of nominating the Members of the Bureaux, and the Commission for the Address, the Opposition were left in a decided minority, having only 50 votes in one instance, and 61 in the next, whilst there were 91 and 107 for the Ministry. M. de Chateaubriand voted in the minority. The Address of both the Chambers, in reply to the King's Speech, though, to a certain extent, they may be called echoes to that which they answer, were not without interest. Both the Peers and the Deputies spoke with the most unqualified approbation of the plan for indemnifying the sufferers by the Revolution. They considered the measures to be worthy of France, and worthy of a new reign. The Address in the Chamber of Peers was carried almost unanimously; the numbers in favour of it being 148, upon a total of 151. All the preparatory forms having been gone through, business was begun on Monday, 3d of January, when three projects of law were presented to the Chamber of Deputies. These were, 1st, one concerning the civil list during the lifetime of the King, and the appanages to the Princes and Princesses of the royal family. 2d, Another relative to certain exchanges of the royal domains; and, 3d, another for indemnifying those proprietors whose estates had been confiscated and sold during the Revolution. A discussion took place on the 8th, when a number of petitions against the Indemnity Law were reported on by the Committee. Among these was one from M. Isambert, who claimed the protection of the Chamber for the men of colour who had been expelled from Martinique, consequent to the seditious movements in that colony in 1824; and also indemnity to them for their deportation, which he denounced as illegal. The petition was supported by M. M. Casimir Perrier, General Foy, and Benjamin Constant; but, finally, the Chamber passed to the order of the day. The same day, M. Vaublanc gave in, from a special commission, its report upon the law relative to the civil list, which embraced these, among other articles :-The vesting in the Crown the property which had been acquired by the late King, and which had not been disposed of; that the civil list, during the present reign, should be fixed at twenty-five mil lions of francs annually; that the appanages to the Princes and Prin cesses of the royal family should be fixed at seven millions of francs annually; that the restitution of the Bourbon families to their former estates should be sanctioned by the legislature, under this provision, that, failing a male descendant, they should return to the Crown. On 12th January, the day fixed for the discussion of the report, the |