may have failed in the discharge of our full duty as citizens of the great republic, but it is consoling and encouraging to realize that free speech, a free press, free thought, free schools, the free and unmolested right of religious liberty and worship, and free and fair elections are dearer and more universally enjoyed to-day than ever before. These guarantees must be sacredly preserved and wisely strengthened. The constituted authorities must be cheerfully and vigorously upheld. Lynching must not be tolerated in a great and civilized country like the United States, courts-not mobs-must execute the penalties of the law. The preservation of public order, the right of discussion, the integrity of our courts, and the orderly administration of justice must continue forever the rock of safety upon which our Government securely rests.

"One of the lessons taught by the late election, which all can rejoice in, is that the citizens of the United States are both a law-respecting and lawabiding people, not easily swerved from the path of patriotism and honor. This is in entire accord with the genius of our institutions, and but emphasizes the advantages of inculcating even a greater love for law and order in the future. Immunity should be granted to none who violate the laws, whether individuals, corporations, or communities; and as the Constitution imposes upon the President the duty of both its own execution and of the statutes enacted in pursuance of its provisions, I shall endeavor carefully to carry them into effect. The declaration of the party now restored to power has been in the past that of opposition to all combinations of capital organized in trusts, or otherwise to control arbitrarily the condition of trade among our citizens,' and it has supported ‘such legislation as will prevent the execution of all schemes to oppress the people by undue charges on their supplies, or by unjust rates for the transportation of their products to market.' This purpose will be steadily pursued, both by the enforcement of the laws now in existence and the recommendation and support of such new statutes as may be necessary to carry it into effect.

"Our naturalization and immigration laws should be further improved to the constant promotion of a safer, a better, and a high citizenship. A grave peril to the republic would be a citizenship too ignorant to understand, or too vicious to appreciate the great value and beneficence of our institutions and laws, and against all who come here to make war upon them our gates must be promptly and tightly closed. Nor must we be unmindful of the need of improvement among our own citizens, but with the zeal of our forefathers encourage the spread of knowledge and free education. Illiteracy must be banished from the land if we shall attain that high destiny as the foremost of the enlightened nations of the world, which under Providence we ought to achieve.

"Reforms in the civil service must go on. But the changes should be real and genuine, not perfunctory or prompted by a zeal in behalf of any party simply because it happens to be in power. As a member of Congress I voted and spoke in favor of the present law, and I shall attempt its enforcement in the spirit in which it was enacted. The purpose in view was to secure the most efficient service of the best men who would accept appointment under Government, retaining faithful and devoted public servants in office, but shielding none, under the authority of any rule or custom, who are inefficient, incompetent, or unworthy. The best interests of the country demand this, and the people heartily approve the law wherever and whenever it has been thus administered.

"Congress should give prompt attention to the

restoration of our American merchant marine, once the pride of the seas in all the great ocean highways of commerce. To my mind few more important subjects so imperatively demand its intelligent consideration. The United States has progressed with marvelous rapidity in every field of enterprise and endeavor until we have become foremost in nearly all the great lines of inland trade, commerce, and industry. Yet, while this is true, our American merchant marine has been steadily declining until it is now lower both in the percentage of tonnage and the number of vessels employed than it was prior to the civil war. Commendable progress has been made of late years in the upbuilding of the American navy, but we must supplement these efforts by providing as a proper consort for it a merchant marine amply sufficient for our own carrying trade to foreign countries. The question is one that appeals both to our business necessities and the patriotic aspirations of a great people. "It has been the policy of the United States since the foundation of the Government to cultivate relations of peace and amity with all the nations of the world, and this accords with my conception of our duty now. We have cherished the policy of noninterference with the affairs of foreign governments wisely inaugurated by Washington, keeping ourselves free from entanglement either as allies or foes, content to leave undisturbed with them the settlement of their own domestic concerns. It will be our aim to pursue a firm and dignified foreign policy, which shall be just, impartial, ever watchful of our national honor, and always insisting on the enforcement of the lawful rights of American citizens everywhere. Our diplomacy should seek nothing more and accept nothing less than is due us. We want no wars of conquest; we must avoid the temptation of territorial aggression. War should never be entered upon until every agency of peace has failed; peace is preferable to war in almost every contingency.

"Arbitration is the true method of settlement of international as well as local or individual differences. It was recognized as the best means of adjustment of differences between employers and employees by the Forty-ninth Congress, in 1886, and its application was extended to our diplomatic relations by the unanimous concurrence of the Senate and House of the Fifty-first Congress in 1890. The latter resolution was accepted as the basis of negotiations with us by the British House of Commons in 1893, and upon our invitation a treaty of arbitration between the United States and Great Britain was signed at Washington and transmitted to the Senate for its ratification in January last. Since this treaty is clearly the result of our own initiative; since it has been recognized as the leading feature of our foreign policy throughout our entire national history-the adjustment of difficulties by judicial methods rather than by force of arms; and since it presents to the world the glorious example of reason and peace, not passion and war, controlling the relations between two of the greatest nations of the world, an example certain to be followed by others, I respectfully urge the early action of the Senate thereon, not merely as a matter of politics, but duty to mankind. The importance and moral influence of the ratification of such a treaty can hardly be overestimated in the cause of advancing civilization. It may well engage the best thought of the statesmen and people of every country, and I can not but consider it fortunate that it was reserved to the United States to have the leadership in so grand a work.

"It has been the uniform practice of each President to avoid, as far as possible, the convening of Congress in extraordinary session. It is an exam

The Territorial Delegates were as follow:
Arizona-Marcus A. Smith, D.

New Mexico--H. B. Ferguson, D.
Oklahoma-T. Y. Callahan, F.

After the roll call the House proceeded to the election of Speaker, and Thomas B. Reed, of Maine, was chosen by a vote of 200, to 114 for Joseph W. Bailey, of Texas, 21 for John C. Bell, of Colorado, and 1 for Francis G. Newlands, of Nevada.

On taking the chair, Mr. Reed said:

"Gentlemen of the House of Representatives, it has been the custom for more than a century for Speakers-elect to so fully express their gratitude and their sense of honor conferred that the language by which thanks are conveyed has been long ago exhausted. Will you pardon me if I confess that on all the occasions when I have stood here I have been more impressed by the sense of responsibility than cheered by the sentiment of thankfulness?

"Yet I appreciate-no man more-the high honor of your vote and the confidence which has dictated it. But high as the honor is, it will surely fade unless your favor is permanent. I can not, having had experience, expect to please all of you always; but I do hope, with your kind assistance and your kinder forbearance, to administer justice to each member and to both sides of the Chamber, under the rules established by the House of Representatives, without fear, favor, or the hope of reward."

Alexander McDowell, of Pennsylvania, was then chosen Clerk; Benjamin F. Russell, of Missouri, Sergeant-at-Arms; William J. Glenn, of New York, Doorkeeper; Joseph C. McElroy, of Ohio, Postmaster; and Henry M. Couden, of Michigan, Chaplain.

The President, being notified that the Congress was organized and ready for business, sent in the following message:

To the Congress of the United States:

Regretting the necessity which has required me to call you together, I feel that your assembling in extraordinary session is indispensable because of the condition in which we find the revenues of the Government. It is conceded that its current expenditures are greater than its receipts, and that such a condition has existed for now more than three years. With unlimited means at our command, we are presenting the remarkable spectacle of increasing our public debt by borrowing money to meet the ordinary outlays incident upon even an economical and prudent administration of the Government. An examination of the subject discloses this fact in every detail and leads inevitably to the conclusion that the condition of the revenue which allows it is unjustifiable and should be corrected.

We find by the reports of the Secretary of the Treasury that the revenues for the fiscal year ending June 30, 1892, from all sources were $425,868.260.22, and the expenditures for all purposes were $415,953,806.56, leaving an excess of receipts over expenditures of $9,914,453.66. During that fiscal year $40,570,467.98 were paid upon the public debt, which had been reduced since March 1, 1889, $259,076,890, and the annual interest charge decreased $11,684,576.60. The receipts of the Government from all sources during the fiscal year ending June 30, 1893, amounted to $461,716,561.94, and its expenditures to $459,374,887.65, showing an excess of receipts over expenditures of $2,341,674.29.

Since that time the receipts of no fiscal year, and, with but few exceptions, of no month of any fiscal year, have exceeded the expenditures. The receipts of the Government from all sources during the fiscal year ending June 30, 1894, were $372,802,498.29, and its expenditures $442,605,758.87, leaving a deficit, the first since the resumption of specie payments, of $69,803,260.58. Notwithstanding there was a decrease of $16,769,128.78 in the ordinary expenses of the Government, as compared with the previous fiscal year, its income was still not sufficient to provide for its daily necessities, and the gold reserve in the Treasury for the redemption of greenbacks was drawn upon to meet them. But this did not suffice, and the Government then resorted to loans to replenish the reserve.

In February, 1894, $50,000,000 in bonds were issued, and in November following a second issue of $50,000,000 was deemed necessary. The sum of $117,171,795 was realized by the sale of these bonds, but the reserve was steadily decreased until, on Feb. 8, 1895, a third sale of $62,315,400 in bonds,

for $65,116,244, was announced to Congress. The receipts of the Government for the fiscal year ending June 30, 1895, were $390,373,203.30, and the expenditures $433,178,426.48, showing a deficit of $42,805,223.18. A further loan of $100,000,000 was negotiated by the Government in February, 1896, the sale netting $111,166,246, and swelling the aggregate of bonds issued within three years to $262,315,400. For the fiscal year ending June 30, 1896, the revenues of, the Government from all sources amounted to $409,475,408.78, while its expenditures were $434,678,654.48, or an excess of expenditures over receipts of $25,203,245.70. In other words, the total receipts for the three fiscal years ending June 30, 1896, were insufficient by $137,811,729.46 to meet the total expenditures.

Nor has this condition since improved. For the first half of the present fiscal year the receipts of the Government, exclusive of postal revenues, were $157,507,603.76, and its expenditures, exclusive of postal service, $195,410,000.22, or an excess of expenditures over receipts of $37,902,396.46. In January of this year the receipts, exclusive of postal revenues, were $24,316,994.05, and the expenditures, exclusive of postal service, $30.269.389.29, a deficit of $5,952,395.24 for the month. In February of this year the receipts, exclusive of postal revenues, were $24,400,997.38, and expenditures, exclusive of postal service, $28,796,056.66, a deficit of $4,395,059.28, or a total deficiency of $186,061,580.44 for the three years and eight months ending March 1, 1897. Not only are we without a surplus in the Treasury, but, with an increase in the public debt, there has been a corresponding increase in the annual interest charge from $22,893,883.20 in 1892, the lowest of any year since 1862, to $34,387,297.60 in 1896, or an increase of $11,493,414.40.

It may be urged that even if the revenues of the Government had been sufficient to meet all its ordinary expenses during the past three years, the gold reserve would still have been insufficient to meet the demands upon it, and that bonds would necessarily have been issued for its repletion. Be this as it may, it is clearly manifest, without denying or affirming the correctness of such a conclusion, that the debt would have been decreased in at least the amount of the deficiency, and business confidence immeasurably strengthened throughout the country.

Congress should promptly correct the existing condition. Ample revenues must be supplied not only for the ordinary expenses of the Government, but for the prompt payment of liberal pensions and the liquidation of the principal and interest of the public debt. In raising revenue, duties should be

so levied upon foreign products as to preserve the home market, so far as possible, to our own producers; to revive and increase manufactures; to relieve and encourage agriculture; to increase our domestic and foreign commerce; to aid and develop mining and building; and to render to labor in every field of useful occupation the liberal wages and adequate rewards to which skill and industry are justly entitled. The necessity of the passage of a tariff law which shall provide ample revenue need not be further urged. The imperative demand of the hour is the prompt enactment of such a measure, and to this object I earnestly recommend that Congress shall make every endeavor. Before other business is transacted let us first provide sufficient revenue to faithfully administer the Government without the contracting of further debt or the continued disturbance of our finances. WILLIAM MCKINLEY.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, March 15, 1897.

duced a tariff bill on the day the Congress assemThe Tariff Act.-Mr. Dingley, of Maine, introbled, and on March 19 a measure was reported from the Committee on Ways and Means. The same day the Committee on Rules submitted a privileged report, providing for the discussion of the measure and rapid action. It set Monday, March 22, as the day for opening debate in committee of the whole, and required sessions from ten o'clock in the morning to five in the afternoon and from eight to eleven in the evening, the general debate to close at that hour on Thursday, March 25; it arranged for a discussion of the measure by paragraphs until March 31 at three o'clock in the afternoon, when the measure was to be put on its passage. The special rule was adopted after a short discussion by a vote of 180 yeas to 132 nays.

The debate on the measure in the House and in the Senate was so voluminous that a summary would be out of the question; and the speeches were in the main along the old lines of argument opened up in the first Congress, reiterated at various periods since, and spun out to wearisome length within recent years.

It may be worth while, however, to present in brief the special point as to the necessity for tariff legislation in order to increase the revenue to meet excess of expenditure.

Mr. Dingley said: "Congress has been convened in extraordinary session by the President for the purpose of providing adequate revenue for carrying on the Government. The exigency which has brought us here is so clearly stated in the message of the President, and is so fully recited in the report of the Committee on Ways and Means submitting the pending revision of the tariff for the consideration of the House, that I need not detain you repeating the story so completely within your own knowledge. The salient facts are these:

"1. In the four fiscal years commencing July 1, 1893, and closing on the 30th of June next, the reve

nue of the Government has been insufficient to meet the expenditures to the extent of more than $200,000,000, or an average of $50,000,000 per annum. Deficiency fiscal year ended June 30—

1894.

1895 1896.

1897 (estimated)..

Total deficiency.....

$69,803,260 43.805,223

25,203,246

65,000,000

$203,811,729

"2. The late Secretary of the Treasury, in his last annual report, estimates that under existing conditions this deficiency will continue, and will reach $45,000,000 more the next fiscal year.

"3. This deficiency of $200,000,000 up to the close of the present fiscal year has been met by borrow