newspapers that night that before its close a vote of four to three had decided against ordering the troops back to Moultrie. This, however, was premature. Whether a vote was taken or not, the question did not reach a decision. What was done is described in the language of Mr. Buchanan. "In this state of suspense, the President determined to await official information from Major Anderson himself. After its receipt, should he be convinced upon full examination that the Major, on a false alarm, had violated his instructions, he might then think seriously of restoring for the present the former status quo of the forts." But the aggressive acts of the insurgents were continually outrunning the vacillating decisions of the President. During the afternoon and evening of Thursday, while the Cabinet meetings and conspirators' caucuses were in session, and while Mr. Buchanan's irresolution was being tortured by the entreaties of Southern radicals and the remonstrances from his conservative friends of the North, active war, bloodless as yet, but active war no less, was being waged by Governor Pickens against the national sovereignty; and Fort Moultrie, Castle Pinckney, the arsenal, post-office, and custom-house at Charleston, for want of rightful assertion and protection, passed into the hands of the insurrection as already stated. Like the news of Anderson's transfer the day before, the information of this outrage upon the flag was suppressed by the Charleston authorities. Beyond its transmission perhaps to their friends in Washington, none of the transactions at Charleston on Thursday afternoon and night were permitted to be telegraphed to the North CHAP. V. "Mr. Buch anan's Adtion," p. 181. ministra CHAP. V. Dec., 1860. See Daw until about 10 o'clock on Friday morning, the 28th, probably in the hope that the order for Anderson's return could be extorted from the President before he should be stung to resistance. The seizures at Charleston, made on the personal judgment of Governor Pickens, and against son, p. 155. at least the implied consent of the convention, were of doubtful expediency for them. The "Richmond Whig" denounced them as a "shameful Ibid., p. 159, outrage," and soundly berated South Carolina for not being content to go out of the Union peacefully. These, however, might still have been turned to advantage, but for the more serious blunder now committed by the commissioners themselves. and note p. 160. Commis sioners to Jan. 1, 1861. President, W. R. Vol. Their promised interview with Mr. Buchanan, postponed from 1 o'clock on Thursday, on account of the Anderson news, was held at half-past two on Friday the 28th. The President had that forenoon heard of the Charleston outrages, and knew that from being the agents of a conspiracy they had now become the emissaries of an insurrection. But he failed to note the declaration of the Constitution that treason against the United States consists in levying war against them, or in adhering to their enemies, giving them aid and comfort. "He determined to listen with patience to what they had to communicate. . . On their introduction he stated that he could recognize them only as private gentlemen, and not as commissioners from a sovereign State; that it was to Congress, and Congress alone, they must appeal. He nevertheless expressed his willingness to communicate to that body, as the anan's Ad- only competent tribunal, any propositions they tion, p. 181. might have to offer." Mr. Buch ministra It is difficult to imagine the feeling of the commissioners under this treatment, whether it was one of grateful relief or profound contempt. Instead of being cast into prison, they were admitted to a considerate social conference with this Executive of a "foreign nation," and treated to friendly private advice, how best to accomplish the objects of their mission. According to his explanations the Constitution indeed forbade his recognizing their authority, or deciding their claim; but he would give this claim point and dignity by referring it officially to Congress, with the sanction of a Presidential message. CHAP. V. Had sound judgment guided them they would have seized eagerly upon this quasi acceptance of their mission,-which virtually gave them the President as an ally,-divided and paralyzed Congress by an active and concerted intrigue, and made a conciliatory appeal to the commercial apprehensions of the Northern cities and manufacturing districts. But instead they now ventured their whole success upon a single desperate chance. Assuming a tone of anger and accusation, they impugned the honor of the Government and asked explanations of Anderson's conduct under the childish threat of suspending negotiations which were not yet begun. "And in conclusion," they added, "we would urge upon you the immediate withdrawal of the troops from the harbor of Charleston. Under present circumstances they are a standing menace which renders negotiation impossible, and as our recent experience shows, threatens speedily to bring to a bloody issue questions which ought to be settled Dec. 28, 1860. with temperance and judgment." The adoption of Commissioners to President, W. R. Vol. CHAP. V. this ultimatum by the conspirators shows the strong confidence they had in their complete domination over the will of Mr. Buchanan. Unprepared for war, they abruptly closed their only avenue to successful intrigue; feeling assured that all resistance from the President would break down, and that his infirm purpose would unconditionally yield their demand. But under wiser advice Mr. Buchanan's hesitating decision finally went against them; and in that failure terminated the last and only hope of accomplishing peaceable secession. TH CHAPTER VI THE CABINET RÉGIME HE ultimatum presented by the commission- CHAP. VI. ers was at once made the subject of a Cabinet discussion, continued in the evening of the same day. No decision was arrived at, and the meetings would be without special interest, were it not for the report of one of the incidents that shows the feeling which divided the members into two irreconcilable factions. The scene is given in the language of one of the participants in the evening session of Friday, December 28th, who afterwards recounted the event in the council-room of the White House. Secretary Stanton said: The last I saw of Floyd was in this room, lying on the sofa which then stood between the windows yonder. I remember it well-it was on the night of the 28th of December, 1860. We had had high words, and had almost come to blows, in our discussion over Fort Sumter. Thompson was here- Thompson was a plausible talker and as a last resort, having been driven from every other argument, advocated the evacuation of the fort on the plea of generosity. South Carolina, he said, was but a small State with a sparse white population we were a great and powerful people, and a strong vigorous government. We could afford to say to South Carolina, "See, we will withdraw our garrison as an evidence that we mean you no harm." |