the engineer officer, Lieutenant Meade, the ord- CHAP. IV. nance-sergeant, and perhaps a dozen laborers in the work, who made no resistance. Gov. Picksage, Jan. ens, Mes 3, 1861. "South Carolina 1860-61, p. 270. The occupation of Fort Moultrie was the concluding affair of the day. Governor Pickens had no idea whatever of hurling his awkward squads against even its deserted walls. His order was to take possession of Sullivan's Island, "and if it could be done without too great loss, after precautionary examination as to mines, etc., then Fort Journal," Moultrie itself should be occupied." The final abandonment took place about four in the afternoon, and the expedition to seize it did not leave Charleston wharf until seven in the evening. Neither difficulty nor delay was encountered in the examination, and in the course of an hour the preconcerted signal of three rockets announced to Jan. 2, 1861. the city both arrival and possession. N. Y. "World," CHAPTER V CHAP. V. 1860. Commis sioners to dent, J. W. R. Vol. the Presi 1, 1861. I., p. 122. A BLUNDERING COMMISSION N Wednesday, December 26, at 3 o'clock P. M., it being about the same time of the same day that Anderson was completing his preparations to leave Moultrie, Messrs. Barnwell, Adams, and Orr, the three commissioners from South Carolina, reached Washington. They were by authority of the convention empowered to negotiate a treaty of peace and friendship between the embryo republic and the United States; to secure the delivery of the forts, arsenal, and lighthouses; to divide the public property and apportion the public debt, and generally to settle all pending questions, upon the assumption that South Carolina was no longer a member of the I., p. 1. Union, but an independent foreign State. W. R. Vol. 111. Arrived at Washington they found their friends no less hopeful that some at least of these important negotiations could be without delay conducted to a successful issue. Six days had elapsed since the passage of the ordinance of secession, and that revolutionary declaration had been, to say the least, tolerated as an act of the people, without a word of official criticism, dissent, or even definition. Four days had passed since the convention had given the commissioners their credentials, and yet the hourly communications of the telegraph had brought them no word of discouragement. On the contrary, their coming was expected, and the course of action to be pursued towards them had been officially deliberated upon and settled. CHAP. V. President Buchanan had determined to assure them that he had "no authority to decide what shall be the relations between the Federal Government and South Carolina,"- thus conveniently shirking his sworn duty to assert and maintain existing relations as defined by the Constitution and laws, and thereby officially raising a presumption that they had been or might be changed by the action of South Carolina. Shrinking from the doctrine of his message that "secession is revolution," he now, instead of enforcing the penalties of treason against these avowed revolutionists, under the Constitution and law of nations, proposed to receive them as "private gentlemen of the highest Dec. 31,1860. character," and communicate to Congress any proposition they might have to make. This was certainly strewing the pathway of révolution with roses. The Executive of the nation assaulted, not only foregoes his power and duty of defense, but complacently volunteers to become the intermediary of the assailants for acknowledgment and recognition. There being no concealment about the temper and purpose of Mr. Buchanan, the arrival of the commissioners was promptly communicated to him, and he with an equal promptness appointed an interview with them at 1 o'clock of the next day, Thursday, December 27. On their part, the commissioners deliberately settled President to Commissioners, W. R. Vol. CHAP. V. "Mr. Buch anan's Ad ministra tion," p. 180. President to Commissioners, Dec. 31, 1860. I., pp. 117, 118. themselves for business by taking a house and appointing a secretary. But at sunrise on Thursday things were no longer as they had been at the previous sunset. Anderson's move on the military chess-board had changed not only the game of war, but yet more radically the game of politics. The Charleston authorities, bewildered by the event, probably suspected treachery from the Administration, and, under this impulse, delayed the transmission of the news northward. They, however, sent the information to the commissioners at Washington, who communicated it to Mr. Buchanan. If the President had any intelligible theory of the future, it was that he should be permitted to end his official term without war; that the Charlestonians would respect their promise not to attack Anderson; that Congress would tolerate the secession of South Carolina as a transient necessity, and hold the other threatening States with some tempting compromise. This comforting dream was rudely dispelled by the news, and, instead of enjoying quiet repose in a secure anchorage, he found himself adrift on a dreaded sea of troubles. Catching at straws, Buchanan's first impulse was to assume that Anderson had abandoned Moultrie W. R. Vol. in a panic, and to restore the status quo by ordering him back into that fort. He had the distinct impression that his orders did not contemplate or permit the change, showing either how ignorant he was of the Buell memorandum, which had passed under his personal notice only six days before, or how thoroughly that contradictory document had mystified him as well as others. Had the influences which were theretofore paramount in Wash |