CHAP. XI. States, sustained by a declaration, in effect, that if she is not permitted to make the purchase she will seize the fort by force of arms. . . The title of the United States to Fort Sumter is complete and incontestable. Were its interests in this property purely proprietary, in the ordinary acceptation of the term, it might probably be subjected to the exercise of the right of eminent domain; but it has also political relations to it, of a much higher and more imposing character than those of mere proprietorship. It has absolute jurisdiction over the fort and the soil on which it stands. This jurisdiction consists in the authority to "exercise exclusive legislation " over the property referred to, and is therefore clearly incompatible with the claim of eminent domain now insisted upon by South Carolina. This authority was not derived from any questionable revolutionary source, but from the peaceful cession of South Carolina herself, acting through her Legislature under a provision of the Constitution of the United States. Holt to W. R. Vol. 167. "Mr. Buch anan's Administra tion," p.205. Buchanan in the "Na tional Intel ligence Nov. 1, 1862. Gen. Scott, "Autobiography," Vol. II., pp. 621, 622. anan's Ad ministra This seems to have ended the argument on the subject. A few days later Colonel Hayne, imitating the rebel commissioners, sent a splenetic epistle to the President and left the city. The Administration, acting on the theory that Mr. Holt's reply of February 6 terminated Anderson's truce, turned their attention anew to a second relief expedition to Sumter. Several plans were discussed, and one apparently adopted. The evidence as to its origin and preparation is vague and conflicting. Captain Ward, of the navy, was to take three or four small steamers, belonging to the coast survey, "Mr. Buch- and endeavor to make his way to Anderson, with tion," p. 210. supplies and reënforcements. Mr. Buchanan claims Adjutant to have initiated it on the 31st of January; an order concerning it, dated February 21, shows that its time of sailing was even then uncertain. The governing causes in this instance may perhaps be best General to Col. Scott, Feb. 21,1861. W. R. Vol. inferred from a letter of Holt to Anderson, Feb- CHAP. XI. ruary 23, which discloses an abandonment of the attempt: A dispatch received in this city a few days since from Governor Pickens, connected with the declaration on the part of those convened at Montgomery, claiming to act on behalf of South Carolina, as well as the other seceded States, that the question of the possession of the forts and other public property therein had been taken from the decision of the individual States, and would probably be preceded in its settlement by negotia tion with the Government of the United States, has impressed the President with a belief that there will be no immediate attack on Fort Sumter, and the hope is indulged that wise and patriotic counsels may prevail and prevent it altogether. The labors of the peace Congress have not yet closed, and the presence of that body here adds another to the powerful motives already existing for the adoption of every measure, except in necessary self- Feb. 23, 1861. defense, for avoiding a collision with the forces that surround you. Dilatory diplomacy had done its allotted work. While Mr. Buchanan refused a truce in theory, he granted one in fact. Between the 12th of January and the 6th of February the insurrection at Charleston worked day and night in building batteries and preparing men and material to attack Sumter. In other States the processes of secession, seizure, drill, equipment, and organization had also been going on with similar activity. Receiving no effective discouragement or check, the various elements of rebellion had finally united in a provisional congress at Montgomery, which, two days later, perfected a provisional government for the rebellion. There can be no severer criticism of this delusive policy of concession and inaction than Holt to Anderson, W. R. Vol. 1861. CHAP. XI. the course and argument of Governor Pickens, as shown in a letter written by him to the president of the new provisional congress at Montgomery, on the 13th of February, on being informed that it had taken charge of the "questions and difficulties" between the Government and the rebellion: I am perfectly satisfied that the welfare of the new confederation and the necessities of the State require that Fort Sumter should be reduced before the close of the present Administration at Washington. . . Mr. Lincoln cannot do more for this State than Mr. Buchanan has done... If war can be averted, it will be by making the capture of Fort Sumter a fact accomplished durCobb, Feb. ing the continuance of the present Administration, leaving to the incoming Administration the question of an open I., pp. 254-6. declaration of war. Pickens to 13, 1861. W. R. Vol. a This, then, was to be the harvest of conciliation of the "wise, just, and peaceful solution," which the Senatorial cabal had promised — of “ patriotic horror for civil war and bloody strife," which Colonel Hayne had invoked- of the allurements of accommodation which Governor Pickens had so temptingly blended with his threats of violence and assault. Having lulled Mr. Buchanan into confidence, he proposed its sudden and secret violation, and in the same breath with his encomiums on peace, officially advised the shedding of blood, not upon any present necessity, but for the prospective gain of an improved vantage-ground towards the new Administration. Prudential reasons deferred the scheme for the moment. Six weeks later it was adopted and enacted by the provisional government of the conspiracy. IN CHAPTER XII THE COTTON "REPUBLICS N the main the secession incidents and proceed- CHAP. XII. ings enacted in South Carolina were imitated and repeated in the other Cotton States. Their several Governors initiated the movement by early official action-proclamations, messages, and orders. The office-holders at each State capital formed a convenient local junto of conspiracy. The programme in each case ran through essentially the same stages. There was first the meeting of the Legislature, prompted and influenced by the State officials and the Senators and Representatives in Congress. Then under a loud outcry of public danger which did not exist, hasty measures to arm and defend the State-large military appropriations and extensive military organization. Next an act to call a convention, ostensibly to consult public opinion, but really for the occasion to rouse and mislead it. In each of the Cotton States the Breckinridge Democracy, the most ultra of the three factions, was largely in the majority. Again, the long political agitation had brought into power and prominence the most radical leaders of this extreme party. These leaders were generally disunionists at heart, even where they had not been active and persist CHAP. XII. ent conspirators. They now took up with alacrity the task of electing a secession convention. That the people were not with them a month before the Presidential election is proved by the replies of the several Governors to South Carolina, which are cited in a previous chapter. Nothing but the election itself had occurred to change that feeling; no threat, no act, no law, no catastrophe. Had governors and officials remained silent, the people would have felt no want and seen no danger. But when official action began the agitation, first by proclamations, then by legislative enactments, and lastly by forcing the issue upon the people through an election for delegates, there came an inevitable growth and culmination of excitement. In this election it was the audacious, the ambitious, the reckless element which took the lead, gathered enthusiasm, and organized success. It must be remembered that this result was reached under specially favoring conditions. The long slavery discussion had engendered a brooding discontent, and the baseless complaint of sectional injustice had grown through mere repetition from clamor into belief. The Presidential election left behind it the sharp sting of defeat. Not in form and in law, but nevertheless in essential characteristics, the South was controlled by a landed aristocracy. The great plantation masters dominated society and politics; there was no diffused and healthy popular action, as in the town-meetings of New England. Even the slaves of the wealthy proprietors spoke with habitual contempt of the 66 poor white trash" who lived in mean cabins and hoed their own corn and cotton. |