BIBLIOGRAPHY

COMPILED BY CORMAC K. H. O'MALLEY, NATIONAL COORDINATOR FOR THE

AMERICAN COMMITTEE FOR ULSTER JUSTICE

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STATEMENT OF MR. KEVIN BOLAND, REDGAP, RATHCOOLE,

COUNTY DUBLIN, IRELAND

My name is Kevin Boland. I come from the part of Ireland, which is described as "The South" but which includes the most Northerly part of Ireland as well as three of the nine counties of Ulster. I am a former member of the Irish Parliament and Government and am now Chairman of a new Party cailed the "Aontacht Eireann-Republican unity Party, which has not as yet contested an election. I don't propose to deal with the factual situation in the Six Counties. I intend, instead, to deal with the Resolution in the context of the whole of Ireland and, in view of the fact that the Resolution calls for the reunification of Ireland, this appears to me to be relevant.

I am confident that other witnesses both from Ireland and from your own country will have established as a fact that in the Six Counties of North Eastern Ireland there has been fifty years of victimisation of and discrimination against a substantial section of the community and that for the last four years this section of the community has been suffering violent repression. It is a matter of common knowledge that by August of last year resistance to this repression had escalated to the stage where Mr. Maudling, the British Home Secretary, publicly declared that the British Army was at war in this part of Ireland. I feel that if the Committee is satisfied that the facts are as I have stated the members must be asking themselves why a majority should treat a minority in this way. It is hard to imagine that any substantial group of people should systematically victimise another group because they dislike their religious or political outlook and, of course, it is not because of any innate viciousness that this has happened. The fact is that the oppressed community are regarded as being basically disloyal to the Six County state as part of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland and this is fundamently true. This being the position, those for whom the present partition situation was created regard themselves as having the duty to preserve the Status Quo. This involves retaining their own status as a majority and therefore, the economic pressure towards emigration which exists in the area as a whole is manipulated so as to affect almost exclusively those who are basically in favour of the reunification of the Country and consequently disaffected citizens of the Six County State.

If members of the Committee see this situation as a minority intent on seceding and coercing the majority into union with another state they will hardly agree with the terms of the Resolution. In fact, this is not the case but the whole trouble arises from the fact that fifty two years ago the British Parliament created the present situation in order to allow a much smaller minority to secede from their own Nation and to coerce a part of the national majority with them. It is misleading to use the terms "Majority" and "Minority" to describe the two communities in the Six County State. Those who are described as the "Majority" are, in fact, the dissident minority of the Irish people while those described as the "Minority" are the members of the majority, who have been illegitimately, undemocratically and unjustly coerced out of their own Nation and into another merely because the distribution of population was such as to make it feasible to include the place where they lived in an area in which those in favour of secession could outnumber those in favour of remaining united with the rest of the country. Members of the Committee will no doubt call to mind that at one stage in the history of the United States a secessionist problem had to be tackled and that it was eventually disposed of in a very painful way. The principal point I want to submit to you in support of this Resolution is that the fundamental injustice giving rise to the continuous trouble in Ireland for the past fifty years is the concession of the right to secede by the British Parliament in 1920, particularly since this involved the coercion of 40% of the population of the partitioned area.

I think it is necessary for me briefly to make the case that Ireland is a unit and that Partition was not and is not justified. The Act of Union between Ireland and Britain was passed by the old Irish ascendancy Parliament in 1800. Prior to this the country was a unit. The Parliament was an Anglo Irish Ascendancy Parliament with no pretence of universal suffrage but, it was one Parliament covering the country as a unit. Throughout the whole period of the Union the

country continued to be a unit. Elections took place over the whole country as a unit. In the course of time universal suffrage was gradually conceded and, the stage was reached where the vast majority of the Irish elected representatives were elected on the basis of their commitment to the attainment of Home Rule and eventually the British Liberal Party agreed to his principle. It was at this stage in the late 19th. century, that the seeds of the present partition were deliberately sown as political party policy by the British Conservative Party when, Randolph Churchill decided in his own words that "The Orange Card is the card to play" and, coined the slogan "Home Rule is Rome Rule". Even at this stage Partition was not envisaged. The intention was to defeat the granting of Home Rule to Ireland. The tactic failed and eventually the third Home Rule Bill became an Act. It was only during the passage of this Act that for the first time the proposal for partition emerged. Sir Edward Carson organised and armed the Ulster Volunteers to oppose in arms the implementation of this Act of the British Parliament which was passed in 1912, and, the Government of Ireland Act of 1920 was a concession to the threat of armed resistance to the principle of self determination. In successive General Elections prior to that, carried out as had always been the case over the whole country, the Irish People had by a substantial majority declared themselves in favour of this principle of self determination. In the last such election held over the whole country in 1918, the Home Rule Act not having been implemented, the vast majority of representatives elected were committed to the declaration of a Republic and this was done. Two years after this democratic establishment of the Thirty Two County Irish Republic the British Government, without reference to the Irish people or their elected representatives introduced the Partition of Ireland.

I have recounted this in order to establish that the aspiration of 40% of the people of the Six Counties to reunification is neither seditious nor undemocratic. What has happened is that in order to concede a demand for secession on the part of a minority of 25% a State has been established, involving the coercion of 40% of the population out of their own Nation. In fact, in more than half of the area of this State there is and always has been a majority against Partition. The Irish people claim that this is undemocratic and unjust and the Resolution, which your Committee is investigating, is an accurate statement of the Irish claim. It recognises the reality of the situation that there is only one possible solution to this situation. There is only one way in which peace can be established in Ireland and that is, by a commitment on the part of the British Government to the reunification of Ireland. The silly imperialistic claim that part of Ireland is part of the United Kingdom must be renounced. Notice must be given that the future of the Six County area is as part of Ireland and not as part of the United Kingdom and, this involves a time table for the complete disengagement of Great Britain from our Country. I feel certain the members of the Committee will agree that items 1, 2 and 3 of the Resolution should be implemented. The case I want to make is that the Resolution is correct in stating that items 4, 5 and 6 are in accord with the fundamental concepts of democracy and self determination.

I would like to make it clear that this is not a question of the absorption of the Six County area into the existing Twenty Six County State. This is neither feasible nor desirable. The fact is that neither of the two existing entities comes anywhere near representing the real Ireland. One state is objectionably and unnaturally sectarian because of the fact, that it is based on deliberately and sedulously fostered sectarianism and because its continuance depends on the continuance of sectarian division. The other may not be consciously or deliberately sectarian but, the fact that it is 95% of one religious denomination inevitably gives it characteristics unacceptable to the minority, whose secession was contrived by the Act of 1920. Reunification must in justice and if it is to work involve the creation of a completely new entity. It must have a Consitution acceptable to all sections and it must ensure that there will be no second class citizens.

There is one other aspect of the present situation on which there may be some confusion and that is, the question of how violence on the present scale developed. The I.R.A., which was the army of the Republic established in 1918. has remained in existence with varying strength and has continued to maintain that the Republic is still legitimately in existence. In addition to this the majority of the Irish people have never accepted the legality of the division of Ireland but, have favoured peaceful means to restore unity. By August 1969, the I.R.A., was practically nonexistent. It consisted of no more than the nucleus of an organisation and, when the Nationalist areas were attacked in that month there was no defence available.