the Southern States. This would leave 35 millions as the amount of manufactures to be purchased by them from the North, or, in other words, seven times the amount they are permitted to obtain from this country.

Again, the Northerners are the shipowners of the Union-our competitors on the seas. The people of the South, with abundant employment for tonnage, have no aptitude for nautical affairs, nor desire to compete with our flag. One of the first measures of their new government was to ordain freedom of navigation. We have seen what amount of justice towards this country was exhibited by the North in the Morrill tariff; another instance occurs in its navigation laws. We admit the ships of the Union to our coasting and colonial trade, where they enjoy every advantage in common with ourselves, and displace no inconsiderable amount of our own tonnage. return, they exclude us from the great trade between the Atlantic ports, and from that between the Atlantic and the Pacific, on the pretext of terming a voyage of 14,000 miles a coasting trade.

In

The literature of the Union is also exclusively Northern, and here we have encountered a constant refusal of international copyright. Although our authors might plead that, up to a recent date, they had been the instructors, and in so far the benefactors of America-this gives no concern. Their thoughts-in which the inherent right of man's ownership is clearly as great as in that of

are

property he may never have seen-these pirated at once. The Northerners are also the inventors and patentees of the Union. On this subject we find the following passage in De Bow's 'Industrial Resources: "The patentee, if a citizen or a resident alien, pays into the hands of the Commissioners for his patent 30 dollars. If a foreigner resident abroad, the tax is 300 dollars, but a British subject must pay the sum of 500 dollars. The great distinction in the last case shows clearly from what quarter the severest competition with our own arts was expected." It seems to show more than this a remarkable injustice to that British subject, who might have no reason to complain that he was charged more than sixteen times as much as a resident, but who certainly may complain that he should be charged nearly seventy per cent more than a Frenchman or other foreigner.

Thus the more the subject is investigated the plainer it becomes, that we have received from the Union as little justice in affairs of commerce as consideration in general politics. It is much to be regretted that after independence was achieved it should ever have been adopted as the general policy, to create a feeling of nationality by the means of instilling hatred of this country. In many minds all this has passed away. There are at the present day numbers of Americans who esteem our institutions even though preferring their own. There is a strong tendency in the literary mind of America to draw closer to this

country these are, however, but a handful to the multitude, nor is their voice ever heard in directing the policy of the Union. The mind may be with us, but the mass is not-the power is notthe policy is not.

Reverting to the trade of the Southern States, it seems strange that a people whose commerce is so extended as to reach exports of 60 millions sterling, should not be permitted to regulate for themselves so vast a trade. How many of the kingdoms of Europe might be added together without equalling the sum. Not less strange is it that a trade of such enormous magnitude should be so fettered, as only to permit an eighth part of the manufactures required, to be received from ourselves. When the colonies rebelled, their exports were not as many shillings as these are pounds, yet they deemed themselves of sufficient importance to make their own fiscal regulations. Why the same rule should not apply in a case so much stronger, is not apparent. This, however, is very apparent, that the industrial interests of this country would be benefited in the highest degree, by any event that should terminate the policy of exclusion so long practised against us, and which, under the unrestricted rule of the present protectionist party, is about to be converted into a practical prohibition of all our leading manufactures.

We have seen that any restoration of the Union by force is hardly to be considered a possibility; yet it may be well to consider the probable poli

tical effects of that event if it should be accomplished. There would at once be a prevailing desire to obliterate painful recollections and win back the good will of the South. What bribe should be spared for an object of such importance? Spain has given grave offence; the Munroe doctrine may be easily extended to St. Domingo. Cuba would be a very convenient peace-offering -gratifying to the ambition of all-something to divert the thoughts from brooding on the debt incurred. The extension of slavery would probably be one of the first-fruits of a restored Union; and this in addition to various measures for its increased protection. The Abolitionists are now in favour, they are useful, they give an impetus, they work in the common direction; but the moment they ceased to be needed, they would be cast aside and thrust back to the position they have hitherto occupied in the esteem of Northern politicians.

A still more important consequence would be far from improbable. There would be within the Union 500,000 men to disband and cast adrift. The republic, as we know, had a narrow escape from destruction, when at the end of the revolutionary war the small force then existing was disbanded. On reflection there will appear a most formidable danger, in suddenly turning loose upon the country half a million of armed men, part elated with victory, part embittered with defeat. For some of these employment would be desirable. The conquest of Canada has been twice seriously

attempted, and the fact is remarkable that it should have been one of the first efforts of the revolted colonies. The desire for its possession rarely seems to have been long absent, and but a few months ago was plainly expressed by the Prime Minister of the Northern government. When a victory was recently supposed to be won, the first thought of triumphant ardour seems to have been to invade Canada. The Western States after rescuing the Mississippi, would re-assert the inconvenience of leaving the St. Lawrence in the hands of a foreign power. Those who appear to shudder at the idea of such a war may well consider the serious probability that this would result from a triumphant restoration of the Union.

Its effect on the politics of the country may readily be imagined. Already the machinery of government has been several times on the point of arriving at a dead stop. In the session of 1859, no less than forty-four ballots were required before a speaker of the House of Representatives could be chosen, legislative action remaining in suspense. In 1855, nine weeks were wasted in the unseemly spectacle of party contests for the speakership. And if this has already occurred, what is likely to be the working of the machine when part of the members are inflamed with victory and the rest actuated by former hatred now rendered more intense by the humiliation of defeat.

A question would immediately present itself,