necessity be unequal in its effect, the power to impose it under any circumstances should be absolutely, and for ever, barred out. We shall see the respect with which these principles of the Constitution have been treated, and the justice with which they have been carried out.

For many years agriculture continued to be the common interest of all the States, and the earlier tariffs are moderate in the extreme. The prevailing rule was a duty on manufactured goods of 5 to 7 per cent.; the first duty, for instance, on iron, being 5 per cent., a trifle that would hardly be visible to the eye of the Pennsylvanian monopolist of the present day. But the war with this country in 1813 greatly altered the industrial position of the respective States. During its continuance it was impossible to obtain supplies of manufactured goods, for we not only ceased to supply them, but the blockade of the ports which we instituted prevented their access from other countries. This led to a large extension of home manufactures, previously confined, in the main, to the coarser and less valuable class of articles. But this new direction, taken by the industry of the country, was not common to the whole of the States. The Northern States not only took the lead in it, but it became, in their hands, a virtual monopoly. Their climate, coal, free labour, waterpower, and, beyond even these, the energy and inventive genius of the race, formed a combination of the elements of manufacturing power, with

which, in the South, it was impossible to contend. There was neither the ability, nor the desire to do so. Hence there came to be two distinct interests, manufacturing and agricultural-by no

naturally antagonistic; on the contrary, capable of existing harmoniously, to great mutual advantage. That such should be their relation to each other simply required that the obvious principles of the Constitution should be maintained. The injustice of the Northern monopolists has turned them into bitter opponents.

The return of peace brought the inevitable result of abundant supplies, which poured in with all the force of previous accumulation. Distress followed to the new manufacturing interests, as yet feeble and ill-developed, and there was an apprehension that they would be altogether annihilated. A natural desire existed on all sides to avert this extreme. Under the circumstances of the case, it would be difficult to show that a moderate degree of protection was not fairly permissible, as calculated to produce advantage to the Union as a whole. This view was taken, indeed, by the Southern States. It was generally admitted that the moderate yet important protection which accrued as a natural incident of revenue duties, was beneficial to the country. Nor was there wanting a disposition to go cheerfully beyond this. Calhoun, the ablest statesman of the South, was in favour of a moderate degree of protection, for its own sake. He held that the

special disadvantage endured by the Southern States was counterbalanced by the benefit they enjoyed in sharing the national prosperity. At that period the theory of protection was accepted in all countries, and the belief was universal, that the supremacy of this country in manufactures had resulted from it. There was a natural desire that the country should be freed from the entire dependence on foreign imports, in which it had previously stood; and we find that the South has in no instance objected to a moderate degree of protection, or scrutinized the 'tariffs narrowly. The objection has been raised against the excess and abuse which soon came into existence. We cannot find that the Southern States in any of the tariff contests commenced their opposition until the system had really degenerated, into the gross favoritism of small, but politically powerful interests at their expense.

The system, once introduced, soon yielded its natural results. Monopoly is one of those good things, of which he who has an inch soon wants an ell. The protectionist of early days was not long in expanding his views, and increasing his demands. And although the evils we have described were far from reaching their present dimensions, still excess in all things, exaggeration, and idolatry of self, were already becoming prominent features of character. When growing general in other directions, they were little likely to be absent, where they coincided with personal

advantage. The idea of a moderate system, generally beneficial to the industry of the country, without grievous hardship to any particular class, became altered into the reality of corrupt political bargains between special interests, to impose heavy taxation on all others, for their own profit.

The first contest of serious importance occurred in the year 1823. The duties imposed by the tariff of 1816 were highly protective, and under them the manufacturing interest had made great progress, and acquired considerable political strength. Instead of being contented with the advantages thus conferred, the first manifestation of this power was to demand still more protection. Accordingly, in the session of 1823, a large increase was proposed to many of the existing duties, and proposed in such manner that none could fail to discern the real object. The people of the South became reluctant to submit to the exaggeration of a system, which was assuming the reality of a tribute, to be paid by them for the benefit of the North. They resisted this increase of the duties, strenuously, but it was carried against them, though by bare majorities,-of 107 to 102 in the House of Representatives, and 25 to 21 in the Senate. It would have been impossible to carry it, but for an alliance of interests, on the "log-rolling" principle; such as we shall recognize when we come to the Morrill tariff. A presidential election was impending, and the interests of the general community, or the

principles of the Constitution, were equally disregarded in pursuit of party objects.

The political jobbery by which the measure was carried, was well known to all parties: such things are not secret in America. It was well known to the South, and did not tend to allay the general apprehension which now existed there, that step by step the system had stealthily grown up, until it had become a great political power, invariably to be exerted against their interests, and pushed to an extreme of gross injustice. In 1828, another struggle occurred, the effects of which have never been effaced. The interest now soliciting further protection was the manufacture of textile fabrics; but in order to obtain support against a strong opposition, other articles were admitted— the hemp of Kentucky, the lead of Missouri; so that it became a general bounty, to be paid by the agricultural interest, to the benefit of the manufacturers and their allies. On this occasion, in the debate in the House of Representatives, the opinions, and strong feeling of the people of the South, were expressed in the following terms, not a little remarkable in their prophetic allusion to an event occurring at the present day: "If the union of these States shall ever be severed, and their liberties subverted, the historian who records those disasters will have to ascribe them to measures of this description. I do sincerely believe that neither this government, nor any free government, can exist for a quarter of a century