of spirit under the influence of which he is deaf to reason-if enabled to return to the original temper of the days of Washington, before fanaticism had worked its evils upon him and upon the slave, it will be found that the difficulty is really one of detail. The great obstacle lies in the fact already pointed out, that there is no physical labour without compulsion, and that this compulsion is absent in the circumstances of the South. It is an easy

thing to make a slave free, but just as difficult to make him industrious when free. There is ample proof of this in the present state of Hayti, when compared with the magnificence of its commerce when a possession of France. Two years sufficed to sweep civilization away. None profess as their object the freedom of the black, that it may be used merely as the power of lapsing into the idleness of the African savage, of squatting in swamps, and basking in the sun. It is assumed that he is to be both free and industrious. But as no labouring class is really so from choice, and least of all a race of tropical origin, and as the circumstances that enforce work in Europe hardly exist in the South, it follows that their place must be supplied by regulations, by laws carefully devised, the true effect of which would be to place the free black in the position of the labouring man in Europe-simply, that he must work or want.

In carrying this out, the large quantity of unoccupied land in the States presents formidable difficulties. But these exist in Russia, where serfdom

-and that on a scale far more vast-is at the present day passing into freedom. What is effecting that beneficent change there? The same influence which alone can effect it, and which may yet effect it in the Southern States-the power of public opinion. What institution exists that can permanently resist it? Invisible-intangible

that none can gauge-or measure—or picture-or define who is not penetrated by its influencewho does not bow to its force? The Emperor of France, at the head of his legions-holds back from that encounter. What else overthrew slavery in our own dominions, or in the colonies of European powers ?--not governments--nor politicians-nor planters-nor philosophy-simply, this irresistible power. And why has it had no influence upon slavery in the Southern States? Because it could not reach them. An able Northern writer, arguing against secession, after describing all that the Union had done for the South, remarks: "And it has shielded their peculiar institution from the hatred and hostility of the civilized world." This is the truth-the Union has been the shield of slavery. It has been shel

tered under the wing of the American Eagle. Dissolve the Union-and it must stand out unshielded, uncloaked, in the light of open day. When thus placed face to face with public opinion who will doubt which must ultimately prevail? But by public opinion, we mean no wild excitement, nor rash theories. These are the froth of breaking

waves, not the majestic ocean. We mean that which expresses the united sentiment of the thoughtful and intelligent-that which embodies, not the passions, but the mind, of the enlightened world. Patient-considerate-prepared to weigh difficulties to provide for consequences to appreciate rights; but at the same time-firm— irresistible-it will say with unimpassioned, but authoritative voice-The time has come when this old sad blot upon humanity shall stain it no

more.

We arrive, then, at these general conclusionsthat slavery is less grievous to the black, and more so to the white population than is commonly supposed; that the slavery contests in the United States have not involved a moral question, but simply one of party politics; that slavery is not at issue in the present struggle, the majority in the North being as willing, as the people of the South are resolute, to maintain it; that the restoration of the Union would extinguish all hope of its removal, whilst the formation of a Southern power affords a prospect of its early amendment, and ultimate extinction; and although it has not been a cause of disruption, in the sense of being an object, desired by one section, and denied by the other, still, that in another respect it has been one of its most powerful causes in the enmity created by the agitation to which it has given rise.

CHAPTER V.

CAUSES OF DISRUPTION.--TARIFFS.

THE rebellion of the American colonies against the rule of this country, whatever its real motives, occurred, ostensibly, on a question of duties. Thirty years ago, the disruption of the Union, unless it had been maintained by force, would have resulted from a tariff, but for concessions made at the last moment, which averted the event. With these facts in recollection, we shall be disposed to attach very serious importance to this subject. Of all the causes of the convulsion, it has probably had the greatest weight upon the mind of the Southern people, although the other causes we have considered have had much more influence in exciting their feelings.

The following clauses of the Constitution bear upon this subject. Section 8, Art. 1, provides that "all duties, imports, and excises shall be uniform throughout the United States." Section 9, Art. 5, ordains that "No tax, or duty, shall be laid upon articles exported from any State. No preference shall be given, by any regulation of commerce or revenue, to the ports of one State, over those of

another." Here it is plainly the object to forbid any course of legislation by means of which a preferential advantage might be given to any section of the country. The obvious spirit of these clauses, is not so much that duties should be uniform in rate, but uniform in effect-that their incidence should bear evenly upon all. It would be idle to dispute that it was intended to prohibit preference to interests, as well as preference to ports. The denial of power to levy an export duty clearly proves this.

At the period when the Constitution was framed, the whole of the States were agricultural, and imported manufactures. Duties levied on imports affected, therefore, all alike. But their position was very different in the direction of export trade. As a natural result of such great diversity of climate and soil, their products, instead of being common to all, were special, and peculiar to certain districts. An export duty upon any article, would have affected the section of the country which produced that commodity, to the exemption of the rest. Thus, if levied upon rice, it would have been a special tax on South Carolina; or if upon tobacco, Virginia would have borne the burthen. Nothing can be clearer than the principle of the Constitution on this point, that all duties shall be so imposed as to affect the respective States equally; that "preference" of any kind should be avoided; and that where the imposition of a duty, as upon exports, would of