in Greece have been continually exasperated by just this sort of unintelligent control, which has irritated the Greek people beyond telling.

The fact of the matter is that there is even now less proGerman feeling in Greece than in the United States, Holland, or any of the Scandinavian countries. And there is far less anti-Entente propaganda in Greece even now than there is anti-Hellenic propaganda in England, France and Russia. The whole feeling of the Greek people toward the Entente Powers to-day is one of sorrow and disillusionment. They had heard so much of this "war for the defense of little nations" that it had been a very great shock to them to be treated, as they feel, very badly, even cruelly, for no reason and to nobody's profit. And more than anything else, after all the Greek Government and Greek people have done to help the Entente Powers since the very outbreak of the war, they deeply resent being called proGerman because they have not been willing to see their own country destroyed as Serbia and Rumania have been.

I have done everything I could to dissipate the mistrust of the Powers, I have given every possible assurance and guarantee. Many of the military measures that have been demanded I myself suggested with a view to tranquillizing the Allies, and myself voluntarily offered to execute. My army, which any soldier knows could never conceivably have constituted a danger to the allied forces in Macedonia, has been virtually put in jail in the Peloponnesus. My people have been disarmed, and are to-day powerless, even against revolution, and they know from bitter experience that revolution is a possibility so long as the Entente Powers continue to finance the openly declared revolutionary party of Venizelos. There isn't enough food left in Greece to last a fortnight. Not the Belgians themselves under German rule have been rendered more helpless than are we in Greece to-day.

Isn't it, therefore, time calmly to look at conditions in Greece as they are, to give over a policy dictated by panic, and to display a little of that high quality of faith which alone is the foundation of friendship?

Rumania entered the War under a triple misconception. First, Russia had promised her ample support, so she thought her northern frontier secure; whereas in reality she received from Russia only a mere_shadow of support, which was worse than useless, since it lured the Rumanian army into dangerous positions. Second, Russia had assured her that Bulgarian neutrality was fully pledged, that the Bulgars would not fight their Slavic brethren. Hence Rumania thought her southern or Bulgarian frontier needed no defense. Third, Rumania supposed Germany to be exhausted by Verdun and the Somme, and quite incapable of lending Austria further aid. It was under this triple misunderstanding that Rumania, immediately on declaring war, sent her troops across her northern border to the invasion of the Hungarian province of Transylvania.

Germany had been awaiting this very opportunity. Her prestige had been disastrously lowered upon the western front; she would retrieve her fame by a brilliant and easy victory in the east. Hindenburg's ablest lieutenant, Mackensen, now raised to the rank of Field Marshal, was sent secretly to Bulgaria. With a few German troops and a mass of Bulgars and Turks he suddenly attacked the exposed Rumanian southern border. The forces hurriedly sent to oppose him weakened the Rumanian army in Transylvania.

A second Teuton army now appeared in Hungary and, on September 19th, checked the advance of the Rumanians at Hatzeg. Meanwhile a third column of Teutons marched secretly through eastern Transylvania and got between the Rumanian army and its own country, seizing the border passes of the mountains. The Rumanians, with their lines of communication partly cut, had much ado to regain their own country, and only did so after heavy losses.

By mid-October the Teutons were invading Rumania from the north, while Mackensen's main army was advancing from the south. On October 22nd he captured Constanza, Rumania's only seaport. After this the Rumanian resistance stiffened, and more Russian troops came to her aid. But on November 17th the northern Teuton armies under General Falkenhayn won a decisive victory at Tirgujiulij. This enabled them to sweep straight across central Rumania and unite with Mackensen's forces. These now fought their way across the Danube, and Rumania's defeat was manifest. Her western provinces were

occupied by the enemy and from every direction except the northeast the Teuton armies were gathering round her capital. Its fall and the subsequent Rumanian resistance are left for another picture.

THE

BY GENERAL WOLLMAN

Semi-Official German Statement

'HE Rumanian declaration of war against Austro-Hungary on August 27, 1916, was followed on the next. day by a declaration of war against Rumania by Germany. On August 29th, General von Falkenhayn was transferred from his position as Chief of the General Staff for "service elsewhere." In his new capacity as commander of the Ninth Army, von Falkenhayn immediately marched against the Rumanians who had crossed the mountains into Transylvania, drove them back, and during September wrested from them the Szurduk, Vulcan, and Red Tower passes. During October the Rumanians, helped by the Russians, put up a desperate resistance to von Falkenhayn's further advance, and the month was spent in heavy fighting with victory first for one side, then the other. In the meantime, immediately after war was declared on Rumania by Turkey and Bulgaria, Mackensen had gone to Bulgaria and thence led an army composed of German, Bulgarian, and Turkish units from the Varna-Rustchuk line over the border into Rumania by way of the Dobrudja.

Under the delusion that Bulgaria would not declare war against her and might even break with the Central Powers, Rumania had sent the bulk of her forces to the Transylvanian frontier, leaving the Bulgarian front, except for some Russian reënforcements, weakly held. This mistake, made at the very beginning of the campaign, affected the whole course of the struggle, and after Mackensen's success in the Dobrudja, could never be retrieved.

Mackensen's object, which was to occupy the Dobrudja and thus block the Russians from their shortest road to Constantinople, was accomplished in a comparatively short time. One smashing blow after another was delivered against the allied Russians and Rumanians. The bridgehead at Tutrakan on the Danube was attacked on September 4th, and

captured on the 6th, at a cost to the enemy of 22,000 men. On the day that Tutrakan fell, a Rumanian division hurrying to the rescue was routed at Sarsinlar by the west wing of Mackensen's army, which subsequently took 30,000 prisoners and much war material.

On the eastern wing furious Russian attacks in the region of Dobritch led to heavy fighting. This ended on September 7th with the complete defeat of three RussianRumanian-Serbian divisions. As a result the Rumanians voluntarily evacuated Silistria, and, pursued vigorously by Mackensen, retreated along the whole front in a northerly direction. Between Lake Oltina and Mangalia the arrival of four fresh Rumanian divisions and some additional help from the Russians enabled the fleeing enemy to make a stand, but his resistance was broken in a few days, and on September 14th he was driven back to the general line CuzgunCara Omar, forty kilometers north of Dobritch.

Here also his stay was short. Beaten almost to annihilation, he soon continued his flight to prepared positions between Rashova, Cobadin, and Tuzla, twenty kilometers south of the old Trajan wall and the railroad from Cernavoda to Constantza via Megidia. On this line he was able to stand under the protection of Rumanian regiments drawn from Transylvania and of Russian troops sent by sea to Con

stantza.

As announced in the communiqués of September 20th and 21st, the battle now came to a standstill. After the line was stabilized, the Bulgarians, who had particularly distinguished themselves on the east wing, erected on their front as a threat to the Russians and a sign of their own confidence a huge placard bearing the inscription "Mackensen leads us."

The results of Mackensen's victorious progress up to this point were important. Eight Rumanian divisions had been taken prisoner or terribly shattered; the Russian forces sent to aid Rumania had been so often defeated that their fighting power was badly shaken; and positions on the lower Danube flanking Wallachia and the national capital had been won. In addition, any invasion of the southern Dobrudja

by the enemy had been rendered impossible, and his main army on the Transylvanian front had been weakened by the withdrawal of troops which it could ill spare. These were now shut up behind Trajan's wall. The Rumanians were compelled to wage war upon three fronts.

Before undertaking further operations, Mackensen's army needed time to repair the losses which had been incident to the delivery of its mighty blows and to replenish its war material. Heavy artillery, in particular, was required for the reduction of the enemy's strongly fortified position, and this could be brought up only with the greatest difficulty owing to the lack of good rearward lines of communication. The enemy, on the other hand, had the advantage of the railroad which ran behind his front.

The Rumanians used the pause in the battle to make a feeble attempt in the first days of October to cross the Danube farther up and fall upon our army from the rear. As an inadequate force was detailed for the venture-some fifteen battalions of infantry without artillery support—and Rahovo, the place chosen for the crossing, was midway between our two points of support at Tutrakan and Rustchuk, the undertaking failed completely. A German-Bulgarian force sent hurriedly up from Tutrakan practically annihilated the attacking battalions. The few who got back to the north bank of the river fled to Bucharest, where they caused a panic among the inhabitants.

During October the battle for the passes on the Hungarian border developed steadily in our favor, but no military events in the Dobrudja were reported until the twentieth. After that, there were frequent bulletins about the war of position on the Trajan line, where both sides were extremely active. Each day brought new successes to Mackensen's army. One after another the enemy's points of support, including Constantza, the chief Rumanian seaport, fell into our hands, until a break through and enveloping movement put us in possession of Cernavoda and the whole RussianRumanian position. Communication between Wallachia and the sea by way of Constantza was cut. That the Rumanians despaired of restoring the line was proved by their blowing