for a full year more, will test to the utmost my power of condensation to conclude the work
in another volume of the generous amplitude of this.
My subject naturally divides itself into two parts: I. How we got into the War for the
Union; and II. How we get out of it. I have respected this division in my cast of the
present work, and submit this volume as a clear elucidation of the former of these
problems, hoping to be at least equally satisfactory in my treatment of the latter.
It is the task of the historian to eliminate from the million facts that seemed important
in their day and sphere respectively, the two or three thousand that have an abiding and
general interest, presenting these in their due proportions, and with their proper relative
emphasis. Any success in this task must, of course, be comparative and approximate; and no
historical work ever was or will be written whereof a well-informed and competent critic
might not forcibly say, 'Why was this fact stated and that omitted? Why give a page to
this occurrence, and ignore that, which was of at least equal consequence? Why praise the
achievement of A, yet pass over that of B, which was equally meritorious and important?'
But, especially in dealing with events so fresh and recent as those of our great convulsion,
must the historian expose himself to such strictures. Time, with its unerring perspec-
tive, reduces every incident to its true proportions; so that we are no longer liable to mis-
conceptions and apprehensions which were once natural and all but universal. We know,
beyond question, that Braddock's defeat and death before Fort Du Quesne had not the im-
portance which they seemed to wear in the eyes of those who heard of them within the
month after their occurrence; that Bunker Hill, though tactically a defeat, was practically a
triumph to the arms of our Revolutionary fathers; that the return of Bonaparte from Elba
exerted but little influence over the destinies of Europe, and that little of questionable be-
neficence; and that ‘fillibusterism,' so called, since its first brilliant achievement in wrest-
ing Texas from Mexico and annexing her to this country, though attempting much, has
So, much
accomplished very little, toward the diffusion either of Freedom or Slavery. And
that now seems of momentous consequence will doubtless have shrunk, a century hence, to
very moderate dimensions, or perhaps been forgotten altogether.
The volume which is to conclude this work cannot, of course, appear till some time after
the close of the contest; and I hope to be able to bestow upon it at least double the time
that I was at liberty to devote to this. I shall labor constantly to guard against Mr. Pol-
lard's chief error-that of supposing that all the heroism, devotedness, humanity, chivalry,
evinced in the contest, were displayed on one side; all the cowardice, ferocity, cruelty,
rapacity, and general depravity, on the other. I believe it to be the truth, and as such I
shall endeavor to show, that, while this war has been signalized by some deeds disgraceful
to human nature, the general behavior of the combatants on either side has been calculated
to do honor even to the men who, though fearfully misguided, are still our countrymen,
and to exalt the prestige of the American name.
That the issue of this terrible contest may be such as God, in His inscrutable wis-
dom, shall deem most directly conducive to the progress of our race in knowledge, virtue,
liberty, and consequent happiness, is not more the fervent aspiration, than it is the conso-
ling and steadfast faith, of
NEW YORK, April 10, 1864.