death-warrant. Again the Lindseys, for their loyalty and humanity, were obliged to abandon their homes. They fled to an adjacent county (Atascosa), pursued by a warrant upon an atrocious but trumped-up charge of horse-stealing, were brought back to Bell county, and placed in jail. Ex-confederate T. T. Teal, a prominent lawyer, collected the facts in the case, demonstrated that the charge was a fraud, that the arrest was merely a means to the assassination of the men, and appealed to General Mason, commanding the district, for the protection of the military. Under the instructions of Hancock the General dared not interfere. A few nights later a party of Ku Klux entered the jail, and with shotgun and pistol assassinated both father and son. In his reply to Governor Pease, appealing to him for protection for the lives and property of Union citizens, Hancock says:

"At this time the country is in a state of profound peace. The State Government of Texas, organized in subordination to the authority of the Government of the United States, is in the full exercise of all its roper The courts duly empowered to administer the laws, and to punish all offenders against those laws, are in existence.'

powers.

Hence, the State courts, notoriously the refuge and defenders of rebel assassins, were the legitimate or lawful tribunals to which Union men must look for protection or redress. With civil matters, except to enfranchise the rebels, to redress their grievances, enlarge their power,, or to support them in their tyranny, the military, in Hancock's judgment, had lawfully nothing to do. What if the lives and property of Unionists were unsafe? What if it was difficult, impossible, in Texas, to enforce the criminal laws? What if rebel sheriffs refused to arrest the perpetrators of crime? What if grand juries refused to indict rebel offenders against the laws, and petit jurors protected the guilty by verdicts of acquittal? Was that any reason why he, as military commander, should interpose with the sword? He declared that "* like facts''the utter demoralization of the judiciary, its conversion into a sanguinary engine of brutal tyranny, continually happening" in every State North!

General Grant could endure no more. removed Hancock.

PART VI.

are

he succeeded in humiliating the loyal people, colored and white, of Louisiana and Texasin inflicting upon loyal men, supporting the Government and laws of the nation, the greatest evils and the severest sufferings. Hancock enfranchised the rebel enemies of the nation, advanced them to authority and place in the State governments, and supported them in their tyranny and crime. He brought the authority of the Nation into contempt, degraded the laws of Congress, encouraged their violation, and thus stimulated in the State governments and courts, and among the masses, that spirit of lawlessness and violence which, even to-day, crushes out all freedom of speech, all liberty of the press, all the rights of person and property!

General Reynold's report-The Ku KluxCivil law a dead letter.

General Reynolds, in his report dated November, 1867, says:

"

*

* *

Klux Klan,' exist independently or in concert with Armed organizations, generally known as the Ku other armed bands, in many parts of Texas, but are most numerous, bold, and aggressive east of Trinity River. The objects * * * of the organizations seem to be to disarm, rob, and in many cases murder Union men and negroes, and as occasion may offer, murder United States officers and soldiers. The civil law east of Trinity River is almost a dead letter. In some counties the civil officers are all, or a portion of them, members of the Klan. ** *The murder of negroes is so common as to render it impossible to keep an accurate account of them. * *These organizations are evidently countenanced, or at least not discouraged by a majority of the white people in the counties where the bands are most numerous. They could not

otherwise exist.

*

They cannot be punished by the civil courts until some examples by military commissions show that men can be punished in Texas for murder and kindred crimes. in very rare instances, been punished in this State at Perpetrators of such crimes have not, heretofore, except

all.

Hancock's mal-administration extended only four months, from Nov. 29, 1867, to March 28, 1868. But in that brief time, although he failed in wholly defeating reconstruction, yet

petrators. Consequently there are no correct records to be consulted for information. There is ample evidence, however, to show that more than 1,200 persons have been killed and wounded during this time on ac have occurred in the parishes of Bossier, Caddo, Canta count of their political sentiments. Frightful massacres houla, Saint Bernard, Saint Landry, Grant and Orleans.

Separate them [the Republicans] from Sambo and fee and they are as helpless as babes. * ** How will it be if the Republicans obtain power] before Pompey Smash, Fred. Douglas, or some other y-headed and thick-lipped darkey presents himhere, all redolent with the peculiar odor of his race, aim a seat as one of the people's representatives."

Hence, in Mr. ENGLISH's judgment, the salon of the nation, the perpetuity of its instiions, and the liberties and rights of its ple, rested wholly upon the pro-slavery

emocracy.

aid the din of coming treason and rebelTon he is for Slave-Democracy-He proclaims the abject cowardice and meanness of Northern Democracy.

All around him, in both Houses of Congress, throughout the South, was heard the defiant ai treasonable declaration that if the North ses us out of the Territories, if it elect a esident upon an anti-slavery platform, the ion will be dissolved. All around him was ard the barbarous doctrine that " Slavery is onal-Freedom sectional"-that slavery is the wal and normal condition of the laborer "-that very is right and necessary whether WHITE or "At his very side Lawrence M. Keitt, South Carolina, announced as a cardinal xtrine of Democratic faith thatSlavery is a great primordial fact, rooted in the n of things. As a corollary to this it may be deduced that the existence of laborers and hanies in organized societies was the result of the al and progressive emancipation of slaves * story tells us also that when the [white] working es stepped out of the condition of bondage by process of emancipation, they branched into four stantly recurring subdivisions-the hireling, the r, the thief, and the prostitute, which have no alexistence in slave countries unless there have

a commencement of emancipation.”

*

*

The North at the same moment was also time at the infamous dragooning of its cities the execution of the Fugitive slave law." venerable Josiah Quincy, sen., in 1854, Boston, Mass., exclaimed:

child in Massachusetts ? We have seen our

What has been seen, what has been felt, by every ,woman, and child in this metropolis and in this munity, and virtually by every man, woman, -house in chains, two battalions of dragoons, at companies of artillery, twelve companies afantry, the whole constabulary force of the police, the entire disposable marine of the United es, with its artillery loaded for action, all marching pport of a pretorian band consisting of 120 friends associates of the United States Marshal, with d pistols and drawn swords, in military costume ray-for what purpose? To escort and conduct a trembling slave from a Boston court-house to the

and lash of his master !"

an

Severtheless Mr. ENGLISH "proudly' nces his fealty to the Democracy-not to Douglas Democracy -- he belonged to no party "--but "to the great Democratic "-to the "Propaganda!" Instead of ouncing Keitt and his barbarous doctrines, applauded him as a distinguished leader of Democracy! Instead of denouncing the sonable doctrines of secession, he admitted right, but pleaded that his associates, the pagandist leaders, would not exercise the ht-that they would stay in the Union, not the sake of the Union, nor for the institus and liberties which it guarantees, but

46

for the sake of the Northern Democracy, who would be sacrificed by the Republicans if abandoned by the Propaganda. He and the Northern Democracy were ready to vote all they demanded. They were troubled with no sickly sentimentality on the subject of slavery." As he had voted to sustain the brutal pro-slavery code of Kansas, and the outrages by which it was maintained, so he was ready to vote for the extension of slavery -to admit slave States, to vote for the enforcement of the Fugitive slave law," to dragoon the North into obedience to its mandates-to coerce every Northern freeman to become a slave hunter at the command of the Propaganda!

The English bill” for the admission of Kansas exposed.

In that spirit, and with that declaration of principles, Mr. ENGLISH addressed himself to the solution of the pending Lecompton issue. Senator Green's bill for the admission of Kansas under the Lecompton Constitution passed the Senate, but was defeated in the House. In the Senate Mr. Crittenden, of Kentucky, had offered a substitute. In the House Mr. Montgomery, of Pennsylvania, also moved the Crittenden substitute, which was adopted by that body, but the Senate refusing to concur, a committee of conference was asked. Mr. WILLIAM H. ENGLISH, as chairman of the House branch of that committee, reported what was called the ENGLISH bill" for the admission of Kansas. It sets out with the patent falsehood that the Lecompton Constitution, the violent product of the Missouri Ruffians, was framed by the people of Kansas. It then provides for the submission of the Constitution to a vote of the people of the territory, but meanly attempts to bribe the majority to accept a Constitution, to which they had again and again expressed their repugnance, by large donations of public lands for "school purposes," for the support of a State University,' and "for the purpose of completing the public buildings "—by grants of "five per cent. of the net proceeds of the sales of all the public lands within the State for the purpose of making roads and internal improvements" and of "salt springs" for the use of the State. If the people rejected these munificent donations, Kansas was to be remanded to a territorial condition, and prohibited from coming in under any other constitution until it had the full population of 93,340.

66

Either Slave Kansas or no Kansas.

in its judgment ratified that of the people of Kansas. Mr. ENGLISH and all from the North concerned in the Lecompton plot were relegated to private life, and the attempt now by the Democracy, by his nomination as Vice President, to restore Mr. ENGLISH to public life will be defeated by an overwhelming majority of the American people.

PART II.

The "Poor Man's Friend” in Indiana-How the "Hon.” Wm. H. English filled his “ Barrel " -The Tale told by Court-House Records--Startling list of judgments and foreclosures of Mortgage-How he secured personal judgments also-A worse than Shylock.

In the Cincinnati Commercial of Aug. 9, 1880, appcared the following correspondence:

INDIANAPOLIS, IND,, August 6, 1880. For the first tim in the history of the Democratic party the rail of the kite is awarded as much promi

"

nence as the site itself. The circumstances surrounding the nomination of English were so peculiar that, even Low, fo fully real ze how it was brought about; and, indeed, the peculiar combination of wires which secured the result is one of the singular circumstances of the campaign. Enough, however, is known to the outside, but ever observant, world to justify it in the conviction that the nominee for Vice-President was selected for three reasons; Primarily, to appease Tillen, who demanded that Hendricks should be disgraced, and who proposed that the humiliation should bc as deep as possible; secondly, to mollify the ultra Southern element, which might take umbrage at the choice of a man who had been instrumental in killing a number of the misguided spirits; and thirdly, because of the absolute necessity of carrying Indiana at the October election, and it had been widely circulated that English was the sole proprietor of the necessary "bar'l." It is more than probable, however, that the latter clause of the last reason was more potent than all else combined. Be that as it may, no inte.ligent observer at the convention can have failed to notice the dazed appearance of the Hendricks delegation when it finally dawned upon their benumbed senses that English was the nominee, and that the "favorite son" had been relegated to limbo. The curses were not only deep, but very loud, and when they returned home the ticket was denounced in the most unmeasured terms. A Judas had stabbed the "favorite" and under no circumstances could tho ticket carry the State, and all was lost. There was a whoop and hurrah throughout the country, to be sure, but an ominous silence was observable in the backwoods and slashes of the Commonwealth of Hendricks. The local organ, whose proprietor knew English to his sorrow, was dumb, and it was found that the pressure must come from the outside. Carefully prepared biographies of the new "favorite son" appeared in Eastern papers, and were circulated broadcast. The discovery was made in far-off lauds that English was a man whose shining example every young man would do well to imitate; ho had started out a poor boy, and by his own unaided excrtions and by strictly legitimate methods, had accumulated a large fortune; he was a philanthropist, liberal to a fault in his charities, and ever ready with his wealth to aid the worthy in accumulating a competence. The rural press gradually took up the refrain, while the organ be. an to pipe the tune, yet still there were discords. The Indiana Democrat is a long-suffering animal, and though hitherto his back has been well-nigh broken by many a grievous burden, he very seldom, if ever, kicks over the traces. The leaders whipped. McDonald announced his allegiance, the late favorite was billed to

stump the State, and yet there appeared still a lack State pride, if nothing else, ought to cause an outbui old-time enthusiasm on the part of the faith and s ill the philanthropist and the poor man's frie did not seem to be appreciated. On the other ha the Indiana Republ cans were jubilant. They serted that the selection of English would give the the State beyond peradventure; that he was p sonally unpopular wherever known; that while was rich, he had made the majority of his money, 1 in legitimate business, as was claimed, but by lit ally grinding the face of the poor; that the worki classes were his bitter enem es; that the trad unions of all grades were against him, and that they had had the making of a ticket for the benefit their cause in Indiana, a better could not have be selected.

These opinions were so conflicting, that, as corr pondent, I organized myself into a court of inqui and visited Indianapolis last Monday, for the joi purpose of satisfying my own curiosity and informi State universally regarded as pivotal. Acting up the world what the true condition of affairs was in t the very natural hypothesis that a man's charact can be easily learned from those with whom he t lived as a neighbor for the past twenty years, I quie began circulating among the old business-men of t city. Here there was a diversity of opinion, color to a great extent by political bias, but all agreed up one point, viz.: that he was a hard man in mon matters, and would exact the uttermost farthin Many of them had formerly held personal relatio with him while acting as President of the First N tional Bank, and while they had heard rumors of harsh dealings with all whom he actually had in 1 power, but little more than general reports were d discovered that day. In the evening I strolled arou of which he is building an elegant opera-house. the circle, where is his residence, in the almost re As stood contemplatively observing the building no just under roof, and the barred windows of the e gentleman stopped beside me, and passed the comp banker's sleeping-room, a benevolent-appearing o ments of the day.

I remarked, "and seems to be giving employment to "Mr. English is building a very fine opera-house large number of laboring men."

house for reasons," and he winked knowingly, thoug "Yes," was the answer, "he is building the oper why I know not, "and he has given employment to large number of men in the past four years." "In building up and improving the city?" I asked "Well, yes, was the answer, "in building up a putting subdivisions to his barrel. Nearly all his e ployees have been deputy sheriffs, and you can fi additional particulars at the court-house."

Here, accidentally, had I discovered the lead I h been looking for, and the next morning found me the Sheriff's office. Upon making myself known about Wm. H. English's popularity. that genial official, I bluntly asked him what he kne

"Well," replied Sheriff Pressly, slowly, "I am a R publican, but I can say this much, he is one of t best friends I ever had in an official way. Many a de lar has he sent into this office."

He did not say anything about the parties wh eventually had to pay the dollars, but indicated th the records of the courts were open for inspectio The County Clerk's office was then invaded, and her after diligent search, is the record I found. It is A list of suits brought by Wm. H. Englis since the Panic,

and nearly all of them within the past three years, f judgment and foreclosure of mortgage. A "poor mai will hardly have time to examine it in detail. Plaintiff.

Defendant.

No.

English, English, English, English, English, English,

Date of Entry Filing Docket. Complain Rebecca P. Sinker et al..... 17 Feb. 22, Robert Connelly et al............. 17 Feb. 17, " John O. Hardesty et al..... 17 John H. Batty et al.

Feb. 25,

기

17

Feb. 25,

Charles O. Gilchrist et al... 17 James W. King et al..

Jan. 27,

17

Jan. 26,

31

English,

Sarah Dunbar et al.