I begin to apprehend that there will be no war. The blood of our countrymen has been washed from the decks of the Chesapeake, and we have never learned how to bear malice. Besides, Bonaparte will drub and frighten the British into the appearance, at least, of good humor with us.

I think, however, we had better urge on our brigade, till our Government orders us to ground our arms. The progress we shall make will be so much ground gained in the event of a new explosion.

You will see the opinion by which Marshall stopped the trial for treason. The trial for misdemeanor will begin to-day. It will soon be stopped: then a motion to commit and send on to Kentucky, which will not be heard.

Yours,

WM. WIRT.

From the philosophical tone of our next extract, we infer that the Legion and its hopes had fallen into some danger of extinction from the jealousy entertained against it by the militia of the state. This seems to have been the first event in the life of the writer, which gave him a taste of the disappointments to which all ambitious aspirations are exposed, and therefore to have filled his mind with reflections which were not less natural to the occasion, than of a character to be frequently repeated in the course of his succeeding years.

MY DEAR FRIEND:

TO DABNEY CARR.

RICHMOND, September 14, 1807.

As to the Legion, it has given me a new view of human nature, and of my countrymen; and has, I confess, filled my heart with the most melancholy presages for their future destiny. So easily misled and so easily inflamed, even against their friends, what difficulty will an artful villain ever have in wielding them even to their own ruin?

This is a new incentive to virtue. It is into our own hearts that we are, at last, to look for happiness. It is the only source on

which we can count with infallible certainty. These truths, so long preached by philosophers and divines, were never before brought home so strongly to my conviction, as by the example of this Legion.

Thank God! we are not without this source of happiness on the present occasion.

But what is to become of the people; what is to become of the republic, since they are thus easily to be duped?

These are subjects which suggest most painful anticipations to me; for it seems that no rectitude, no patriotism of intention, can shield a man even from censure and execration. And the people who themselves mean to do what is right, are still capable of being so deluded, as to think it proper, and even virtuous, to censure and execrate a man for an act, not only flowing from the purest motives, but really well judged for their benefit and happi

ness.

How hard is it for a republican to admit the truth, that a patriotic and judicious action may, nevertheless, draw down upon its authors the disapprobation, the censure, and even the curses of the people! That no argument, no appeal to reason and law and right, can save him from the consequences! Yet it is certainly

true.

It requires some effort in a man, who receives this conviction from experience, to prevent him from drawing himself into his shell, and caring only about himself.

But

then, if every virtuous man should take that resolution, the theatre would be given up to villians, solely, and we should soon all go to perdition together; and this would not be quite so palatable. So, we must do our duty and leave the issues to Heaven. If the people curse us, our own hearts will bless us; "if we have troubles at sea, boys, we have pleasures on shore." And admitting all these alloys, what form of government is there that has not more and worse? So "we bring up the lee-way with a wet sail," as poor Frank Walker used to say.

We are balancing on the point of yielding the legionary scheme, so far as the field officers are concerned. Consult Nelson, and let me hear what you think of it.

The second prosecution against Burr is at an end; Marshall has again arrested the evidence.

A motion will be made to commit him and his confederates, for trial in Kentucky or wherever else the judge shall, from the whole evidence, believe their crimes to have been committed. There is no knowing what will become of the motion. I believe it will be defeated:-sic transit &c.

In haste,

Yours affectionately,

WM. WIRT.

The Legion has now become hopeless. It can only be revived by Great Britain;—as we may read in the next letter.

TO DABNEY CARR.

MY DEAR DABNEY:

RICHMOND, September 22, 1807.

I have a moment, only, to acknowledge yours of the 18th inst. The abandonment of the legionary scheme, which I suggested for your consideration in my last, was proposed by some of our friends in the country, and while we were considering it, I thought it proper that you should consider it too.

It is my own opinion that there would be more dignity, as well as propriety, in our withdrawing. But the majority here urge with some reason, that we stand committed to the captains who have accepted, and should infringe the express terms of the contract which we ourselves proposed, by deserting them at this time. It seems to be the opinion that, under these circumstances, we had better suffer the scheme to die a natural death.

It is not even yet despaired but that the plan may be executed. From Gloucester, Essex, Stafford and Fredericksburg, we have flattering accounts that the storm is subsiding.

It depends, I suspect, on Great Britain, whether the Legion will be ever filled up.

In very great haste, my dear D,

I am yours ut semper,

WM. WIRT.

This is the end of a martial dream. Wirt and Carr were both in their thirty-fifth year-an age when men may be trusted to

make good any promise of adventure. They were both very much in earnest in the scheme. The reader will smile at the double current of war and law, which runs through these lettersthe affairs of the forum in the morning, of the camp in the evening. A two-fold engrossment very taking to the fancy of Wirt. A special session of Congress was called by the President, to commence on the 26th of October. It was supposed that this session would take up the question of the Chesapeake in such a spirit as would lead to a declaration of war. That expectation had already yielded to an opposite conviction, produced by a disavowal of the act of the British Commander by his Government. The prospect of settling the pending differences by negotiation became almost certain. The result was, that the war was indefinitely postponed. Amongst other consequences of this event, the hopes of the Legion and its projector gradually faded away in the somewhat clouded atmosphere of a doubtful peace.

Instead of war-the country had an Embargo.

CHAPTER XVI.

1808.

INCREASING REPUTATION.-MR, JEFFERSON PROPOSES TO HIM TO GO INTO CONGRESS. HE DECLINES.-DETERMINES TO ADHERE TO HIS PROFESSION.HE DEFENDS MR. MADISON AGAINST THE PROTEST.-LETTERS OF "ONE OF THE PEOPLE."-UNEXPECTEDLY PUT IN NOMINATION FOR THE LEGISLATURE. LETTER TO MRS. W. ON THIS EVENT.-HIS REPUGNANCE TO IT.-IS ELECTED.-CORRESPONDENCE WITH MR. MONROE.-LETTERS TO CARR AND

EDWARDS.

career.

THE reputation which Wirt acquired by his participation in the trial of Aaron Burr had a conspicuous effect upon his subsequent That trial had summoned to Richmond a great concourse of spectators, amongst whom were many men of the highest distinction in the State of Virginia, and, indeed, in the Union. The court house was thronged with crowds capable of forming the best judgment upon the merits of the counsel, and of doing full justice to their several ability. The cases were argued with careful preparation and masterly skill. The whole doctrine of treason, both as known to the law of England and as defined in the Constitution of the United States, was fully discussed, and the leading decisions of both countries were analyzed with an acumen which impresses the reader of the report with the highest respect for the talent enlisted in the cause.

The opinions of those who witnessed the trial, and the impressions made by it upon all who read the proceedings at a distance from the scene, equally tended to elevate the professional standing of the counsel of neither more than of Mr. Wirt. Indeed, judging from the notoriety which portions of his speech acquired through the public press, we may say that no one of the counsel profited as much by it as he did.

His popularity in Richmond thus greatly enhanced, seems to have suggested an attempt to bring him into public life. Mr. Jefferson expressed an earnest wish to him on this subject, in which he was seconded by many of his political friends.