3rd. There are now as mary slaves in our-the value of augmented production. Not State as the best interests of slave-holders only also does slave labor tend to the disparthemselves would allow; the importation of agement of free labor, and thereby make it more would only reduce the value of the servi- comparatively rare, but a considerable reducces of those we now have, and tend to make tion in the price of servile labor must result slaves worse and their tenure less secure and in the starvation or expatriation of mechanics comfortable; and, hence, northern abolitionists and other freemen, whose honorable destiny would be pleased with that result, and there- it may be to live and feed their dependent fore they favor the policy of increasing the wives and children by the sweat of their brow. number and circumscribing the theater of And as these useful and productive citizens slaves in all the slave-holding States. leave us, their places will be filled by worthless 4th. As the law now stands, persons who and comparatively unproductive slaves, and wish to buy slaves for their own use will not this garden of the great West may finally be generally, if at all, import them, because the monopolized by a bloated aristocracy, whose kind they would buy cannot be obtained in staple business will consist of breeding, feedany other State cheaper than in Kentucky-ing, and selling negroes. Besides, as this genthe experiment has lately been tried by a company, whose agent has just returned from Virginia without one slave. But exporters of horses, mules, &c., may exchange their stock for likely slaves of bad and mischeivous qualities, because these they may buy for a reduced price, which will afford them a profit here-selling, as they might, the slaves according to appearance, without communicating, and perhaps without knowing their vicious propensities or other bad qualities. And thus our slave population would be injuriously corrupted, and our peace and security endangered. And thus also our export trade would be comparatively unproductive in consequence of the importation of slaves instead of money, and slaves too that would not increase the aggregate wealth of the State, but probably reduce it by a resulting reduction in the value of slave labor. The history of our domestic trade before and since 1833 proves this deduction undeniably. As long as that law was reasonably observed, the prosperity of the State increased in an unexampled ratio. In seven years immediately succeeding the enactment of it, the aggregate wealth of Kentucky rose from one hundred and twenty-six millions to about two hundred and forty millions of dollars! It is idle to argue that slaves will not be imported by negro traders and exporters of stock. They were the chief importers under the laws of 1794 and 1815, both of which, like the existing law, authorized importations for use and Lot for sale; and they will yet be the almost exclusive importers--and by their operations, the currency, as all experience testifies, will be embarrassed and reduced by large investments in negroes, and by extensive, exchanges of stock and produce for slaves, instead of money, imported. eration is not responsible for the existence of Carolinas, Georgia, Alabama, and Mississippi slaves. For these, as well as other reasons, the owners of slaves, and those who neither own nor wish to own any, ought to favor non-importation. If it be the interest of Kentucky that slavery should be perpetuated, this policy, however fundamental, would not frustrate, but would prudently, tranquilly, and progressively promote that destiny by rendering slave property more desirable and productive. The emancipationist, as well as the perpetualist, should advocate the same policy of nonimportation of more slaves for the following reasons: 5th. As labor is the ultimate test of the price of products, a reduction in the price of slave labor, resulting from increasing the number of 1st. If, in climate and products, Kentucky slaves, will produce a corresponding reduc- be as much adapted as the planting and more tion in the exchangeable value of the proceeds Southern States to slave labor, slavery will of that labor: and though a buyer or hirer of a exist here as long as it shall continue there, slave may have something less to pay, yet he and no legislative expedient can prevent it; will not be, relatively, a gainer-for the value and, on this hypothesis, surely the philanthroof the slave and of his service will be reduced pist would desire to see slaves as good and as correspondingly with the diminished cost of comfortable as possible, and as little subject purchase or of hire, and even in a greater ratio (as possible to be torn from those they love. 332 MR. ROBERTSON'S ADDRESS TO THE PEOPLE OF FAYETTE. 2nd. Emancipation now is utterly hopeless the public treasury, and thus paralyze and -public sentiment is not prepared for it-and render unequal and contemptible any mere even if it were otherwise, no permanent, just legislative enactment prohibiting importations. and practicable scheme could be devised until If non-importation be right-it must be right the number of slaves shall be considerably to secure the enforcement of it; and it must diminished—and this can be effected only by be as right and proper to secure this by the non-importation and voluntary exportation. Constitution as any thing else that should be If this generation, or its successor, be destined secured inviolate. And, as history abundantly to see the day of universal freedom in Ken- proves, he cannot be practically in favor of tucky, the dawn of that day will have been the act of 1833, who would even disapprove a preceded by non-importation. constitutional provision to the same effect. 3rd. If it be the interest and destiny of Ken- If it should be found inconvenient, the people, tucky to get rid of slavery, that result will be under the clause authorizing special amendaccomplished by non-importation more certain-ments, could, and soon would strike it out. ly, more satisfactorily, and more speedily than The only object of inserting it in the Constiin any other mode. On the hypothesis sugges-tution is to place it above legislative caprice, ted, public sentiment, backed by interest, would and make it stable and uniform as long as soon begin to converge to that point, and the public sentiment shall approve it. ultimate result would be accelerated by anticipation. This, I think, might be made evident by various considerations, if it be assumed as true that slavery is incompatible with the interest and high destiny of our State. If, then, emancipation be prudent and practicable at any future period, non-importation will not only be indispensable, but will certainly lead to it. And if it be not prudent or practicable at some future day, non-importation will improve the quality and value of slave property, and promote the peace, security and wealth of the State. Now, why cannot all good and wise menall who wish to preserve the peace, the reason, and the safety of the Commonwealth-all who, prudent and firm, of whatever party, desire to accomplish the best of practical ends, and to not lose even these, as well as more, by recklessly attempting what is either unattainable or unreasonable-why cannot-why will not all such men unite on the foregoing platform? Emancipation, prospective or immediate, in my judgment, is not the true or proper issue; and I do seriously apprehend that the agitaI, therefore, am not of any extreme party. tion of it by pro-slavery men or emancipation I am for a Constitution which will guaranty men would result in the defeat of the non-imthe inviolability of slave property-and also portation policy and in the production of perprohibit future importations of slaves, with a nicious passions and disorganizations which sanction that will uphold the prohibition. I the forlorn wisdom of an age may not cure. am also in favor of a provision authorizing, The late Convention at Frankfort, as I unlike the Federal Constitution, partial amend-derstand, proposed to waive that issue and inments without involving, as our present Con- sist only on non-importation and the right to stitution does, the whole organic fabrick. adopt special amendments of the Constitution. And in this I am sustained by the Convention party, who, in their published programme, recommend such a provision. I would not object to the legislative power to provide for prospective emancipation whenever three-fifths of the people decide in favor of it; which majority, or something near it, I would require for any other amendment-believing that no Constitution could have proper stability if a bare majority could, at any time, change it. I believe that, in their sober senses, a large majority of the people would co-operate in preserving the peace and guarding the security of the State, by uniting on the only safe or practicable point of concurrence, whereby all would be finally benefited and none would surrender anything of principle or of attaina ble interest. It seems plain to me, indeed self-evident, that all, whose paramount ob ject is their country's welfare, should unite on the non-importation policy, and thereby give repose to society, stability to our policy, also the people, looking dispassionately at other and more fundamental issues, may prudently select, throughout the State, their best and most trustworthy citizens to the Convention-without doing which they cannot expect a good or safe Constitution. I have, much to my surprise, however, heard of some persons, who, whilst they aver that they approve the non-importation policy, are, never-and security to our institutions. And then theless, somehow or other, so much opposed to its being made fundamental, as to have resolved to vote for no person as a delegate to the Convention, who, though coincident with them in every other matter, will vote to embed non-importation in the Constitution so as to make it operate effectually! This feeling is, Will it be prudent or safe for those who to me, inscrutable. The act of 1833 was, may be opposed to emancipation in any form for years, almost a dead letter-the acts of or at any time, to oppose the non-importation 1815 and of 1794 were mere mockeries, and policy merely because others, who have been had no operation. Besides, if the legislature characterized as emancipationists, have rehave the power, it will, as always hitherto, solved to support it and are willing to comlegalizo individual importations, at the cost of promise upon that basis? I could not approve such a course. I would prefer to go for my be a barren and gratuitous issue, it will be country and its peace, even at the expense of seen how far the real people of Fayette will some individual preference as to a matter of approve or disapprove the effort. But I do controverted policy. But surely no patriot earnestly hope that extremists of all sorts will ought to oppose a wholesome measure only prudently cool down into a considerate moderbecause persons, of whom he may feel jealous,ation and forbearance, and that finally, all, or would concur with him in adopting it. a large majority of the sovereign people, will Many others, and some of them more radi-unite, as patriots and brothers, in the solemn cal matters, will be considered and settled by the coming Convention. As I cannot, in this mode of communication, fully notice any of these important subjects, I shall not now attempt it; but will cheerfully and candidly ex-to press my opinions as to any or all of them on more appropriate occasions. work of reconstructing our organic system. I have hitherto stood quietly by, reposing on my own fixed principles; and, with a pure conscience and an upright purpose, there I expect stand or fall. I should be pleased to receive the support of all of every party and denomination who concur in those priciples and are willing to stand on the platform laid down in my speech in the last Legislature, and herein again exhibited. And I am yet to learn why I might not only receive but reason But there may yet be some danger that the stultifying topic of negroes, bond and free, may be suffered to overrule every other subject, however important; and, in that event, not concurring with the ultras of either of the ex-ably expect the aid (in every form in which it treme and uncompromising wings of an unnecessarily belligerent line, I might be placed between two consuming fires; but, I would still wish to be an humble mediator; and, whether heeded or not, should enjoy the consolations assured to the "peace maker." If some impracticable persons will still strive to produce an unreasonable excitement and an unblessed organization on what now seems to may lawfully be given,) of all parties and of all individuals who concur with me in policy. Standing under the unpatronized flag of my own principles I would gratefully accept the nomination and support of all those who are willing to stand by me on these principles, and uphold the same or a kindred banner. .GEORGE ROBERTSON. VALEDICTORY ADDRESS. Extracts from the Valedictory Address of Mr. The end has come. We are about to part, probably never to meet again-certainly not in our present associations. sistently avoid it. As many of you know, I did all I could to prevent it. If, by a reluctant acceptance of the place, I have provoked the jealousy of any human being, the fault is not mine, and the wrong lies not at the door of my conscience. 2. In the organization of the standing committees, I may not, as no other Speaker ever did or could, have given universal satisfation. I could not be expected to know the exact aptitudes of all the members-and if I had presumed that I should agree with every member in his self-estimation. I employed unusual care in ascertaining the peculiar qualifications of the members, and with all the information I was able to obtain, I made those arrangements which I considered best for the House, and best for the country. And though I may not, in every instance, have made precisely the most fortunate location, I am now, after the experience of two months, as well satisfied with that, as with any other public act of my life. A few persons objected that I gave the Democrats an unjust share of influence. To this I now reply, that I felt it to be my duty to be impartial in the execution of the trust confided to me-to endeavor to be the organ of the House, and not of one portion of it to the exclusion or degradation of another-and, in the exercise of the patronage of the chair I did no more than distributive justice-indeed I did not give to the Democratic party a share of power fully equal to its ratio of numbers. For your recorded and unanimous approval of my conduct in the position to which your suffrages called me at the beginning of this session, I tender you, collectively and individ-possessed that rare knowledge, it could not be ually, my cordial acknowledgements. I had neither wish nor motive to fill this arduous and responsible station-and, in occupying it in obedience to your call, I made a sacrifice of my own judgment and personal interest. I prefered the floor, because there I might have been able to do more for my constituents and more in my own behalf than I could hope to do in the confinement of this chair. Here, however, I have faithfully endeavored to do my whole duty as your presiding officer. The only reward I desired or could have expected, was the approbation of my own conscience and of your judgments. These I enjoy-the first I know the last I hope. And now, in this closing scene of an eventful drama, before I pronounce my last duty of dissolving this body and all our relations on this floor, I invoke your attention to some valedictory suggestions | which I think the occasion allows, and justice to myself, as well as to you and my country, demands. In attempting this delicate task, I desire to say nothing unbefitting the dignity of this chair, the decorum of this House, or my own proper relations to principles or to men, hitherto, now, or hereafter. My chief purpose is to place myself rectus in curia-right before you, and right before the world, concerning certain events which occurred during our present session. This I would have been pleased to do on some more appropriate occasion-but this having been prevented by my position in this chair, I trust that a brief allusion to a few personal topics at this parting moment, will not be deemed unreasonable or indelicate. 1. If my election to this chair has been felt as a wound to others who desired to fill it themselves or would have preferred some younger man, I am sorry for it. I had no voluntary agency in it. I was placed here without my solicitation and against my will, as I now declare, and as I thought you all knew. I regret this more than, perhaps, I ought.But I felt that I could not honorably or con In the organization of the committee on Federal Relations, my motives and purposes seem to have been misunderstood by some. At this I was much surprised. To discharge, in a proper manner, the duties of that position, and those also of a member of the committee on the Code, to both of which I allotted the the same gentleman, was as much as any one man could be expected to do-and I considered those two as among the most important committees of the House. Had I been on the floor, I would rather have been chairman of the committee on Federal Relations than to have occupied the same position on any other committee. A full, prudent and orthodox report-a report which might have been unanimously endorsed-on the character, the value, and the destiny of the Union-on the heresy of nullification-on the monstrous absurdity of secession as a constitutional pretension, or any thing else than a revolutionary act-on the history and constitutional principles of the tariff and slavery agitations-and on the wisdom of the "Compromise," as a final and some form may be expected to exist; its total equal adjustment of those sectional controver- extirpation, to be desirable, must be the sponsies such a report would have become Ken-taneous result of a moral, peaceful, and protucky, and, if well done, would have told forgressive causation. If it be the will of Provits author, his State, and the Union, now and idence that it shall ever cease in Kentucky, it in all time to come. It was expected of Ken-will decline gradually into a natural death or tucky, and would have placed her where she to such a state of decay as to induce general ought to stand-as the chief pacificator and acquiescence in a law of the land anticipating conservator of our common country. The that mode of extinction. Emancipation by member I selected for that great work was, in law, in any just, satisfactory, or even practical my opinion, as well suited to it as any other mode, has hitherto been, and yet is altogether I could have chosen, and I supposed that he hopeless in Kentucky for years to come. This, would delight to perform it. But he seems to in my judgment, is the view of enlarged behave considered such a report as I have indi-nevolence, comprehensive patriotism, and encated, or any report, unnecessary. lightened statesmanship. It has always seemed to me that our true policy is to let the problem 3. The political atmosphere-too often in- [of slavery work out its own solution without fected by the pestilent breath of selfish and intestine commotion. If thus allowed to run unscrupulous demagogues-has been lately its natural course under the guidance only of disturbed at the capitol, by rumors which, interest, reason, and the moral sense, time though artfully vague and intangible, were would, in the only congenial season, mark its designed to misrepresent my poor opinions destiny-and, whatever that might be, all and conduct concerning domestic slavery. To would be peaceful and right. If, as many phirectify honest error, if any such exist, and to lanthropists esteem it, slavery in Kentucky be leave no honorable excuse for delusion in fu-a curse, premature and compulsive emancipature, I consider it proper now to take notice of a subject in which I had hitherto presumed that the public would feel no interest. Duty to you, as well as to myself, requires it. On no institution, domestic or political, have I, ever since I was a man, thought with a more intense and constant anxiety than on that of African slavery in our country; and on no subject of social organization or economy have I written or spoken more frequently, more explicitly, or with a consistency more uniform and undeviating. My sentiments in relation to it in all its bearings, have, for the last 30 years, undergone no material change; and I have never concealed or dissembled any opinion or principle I held on any subject of public concern. tion would, as I think, be, to both races, a greater curse. Consequently, holding these opinions, I have, on all occasions, opposed any agitation of the question of emancipation, instant or prospective-and have probably suffered as much, by that course, as any other citizen. And To give as much stability and security to slavery here as possible, as long as it shall continue among us, and to promote the wealth and true political economy of the State, I was in favor of the non-importation policy of 1833, which has been sustained, for many years, by a majority of the slaveholding States of the Union, and was initiated and long continued in Kentucky by a majority of wise and good men of all classes and denominations. to prevent the discussion of slavery in any form on the stump and in the halls of legislation, I would have been pleased to see that principle imbedded in the Constitution. To prevent convulsion and assure progressive improvement in the fundamental law, I also advocated a provision authorizing specific amendments by a conservative majority, without the delays, expense, and hazards of a convention I have never believed that the enslavement of the black can be a blessing to the white race; I do not esteem slavery, in itself, an individual or a social good. But, whatever may be said of its morality, national or personal, I have a strong hope that American slavery will eventuate in the ultimate civilization of doomed Africa-and in the aggregate welfare of mankind. I am not sure that it has not been sanctioned by Omniscience as a providen-with power to change, at once, the whole tial mean of promoting human progress and fabric of the Constitution. This theory has amelioration. And I have never doubted that been illustrated by the Constitution of the when the white and the black races live to- United States, and those also of nearly every gether, as they now co-exist in Kentucky, the State in the Union except Kentucky. It has welfare of the inferior and the security of the been tried in nearly all the slaveholding States, superior race would both be promoted by the and, instead of inviting, it has repressed agisubordination of the former to the tutelage tation on the subject of slavery, because, when and dominion of the latter. Having gradually there is a known majority against emancipa"grown with our growth, and strengthened tion, there will be no danger of the agitation with our strength," slavery cannot be speedi- of a specific amendment for that hopeless purly eradicated without convulsion. Whenever pose only.. all mankind shall become civilized, then all I have often, and on all proper occasions, may be free. Until some such approximation denounced abolitionism in all its forms. And to equality and ultimate destiny, slavery, in I have also denounced all interference, by |