CHAPTER XXVI LINCOLN'S SEARCH FOR A GENERAL As has THE failure of McClellan in the Peninsular Campaign not only forced the emancipation proclamation from Lincoln, it set him to working on a fresh set of military problems. The most important of these was a search for a competent general-in-chief for the armies of the United States. already been noted General McClellan had been appointed general-in-chief in July, 1861, after the first battle of Bull Run. A few months' experience had demonstrated to the Administration that able as McClellan was in forming an army and inspiring his soldiers, he lacked the ability to direct a great concerted movement extending over so long a line as that from the Mississippi to the Atlantic. In March when he took the field at the head of the Army of the Potomac the President relieved him from the command of all military departments except that of the Department of the Potomac. From March to July, 1862, Lincoln had no general-in-chief. He felt so keenly his need of an experienced military counsellor that towards the end of June he made a hurried and secret visit to General Scott, who since he had been superseded by McClellan had been in retirement. One result of his visit to McClellan at Harrison's Landing in July was to fix Lincoln's determination to have in Washington a general-in-chief of all the armies who could supplement his own meagre knowledge of military matters, and who could aid him in forming judgments. He knew that in the campaign against Richmond he had, at more than one critical moment, made decisions which were contrary to McClellan's plans. He knew that McClellan claimed that these decisions had caused his failure. He had acted to the best of his judgment in every case, but he undoubtedly felt the danger in a civilian's taking such a responsibility. He wanted a man at his side whom he believed was wiser than he in these matters. So far the war had brought out but one man who seemed to him at all fit for this work, Major-General H. W. Halleck, the commander of the Department of the Mississippi. On his return to Washington from his visit to McClellan, almost the first act of the President was to summon Halleck to Washington as general-in-chief. Halleck was a West Point man highly regarded by General Scott, who had been appointed to take charge of the Department of the West after Frémont's failure there. He had shown such vigor in his field in the winter of 1861-'62, that in March, when McClellan was relieved of the position of general-inchief, a new department including all the Mississippi region west of Knoxville, Tennessee, was given to Halleck. Since that time he had succeeded in opening the Mississippi with the aid of the gunboats as far south as Memphis. Halleck was appointed on July 11, and soon after his arrival in Washington he went to Harrison's Landing to look over McClellan's situation. He found McClellan determined to make another attack on Richmond after he received reenforcements. Halleck disapproved of the idea. He believed that McClellan should return to the Potomac and unite with the new army of Virginia which had just been formed of the troops around Washington and placed under the direction of General John Pope, another product of the Mississippi campaign, from whom the President hoped great things. McClellan persistently fought this plan and his removal was seriously discussed at this time. The great body of the Kepublican party indeed demanded it. Many did not hesitate to say that McClellan was a traitor only waiting the proper opportunity to surrender his army to the enemy-an accusation which never had other foundation than McClellan's obstinacy and procrastination. Lincoln would not relieve him. He believed him loyal. He knew that no man could be better loved by his soldiers or more capable of putting an army into form. He had no one to put in his place. There was a political reason, too; McClellan was a Democrat. The party took his view of the disastrous Peninsular campaign—that Mr. Lincoln had not supported him. To remove him was to arouse bitter Democratic opposition and so to decrease the support of the Union cause and at this juncture to hold as solid a North as possible to the war was quite as imperative as to win a battle. Lincoln would not relieve McClellan, but he sanctioned the plan for a change of base from the James to the Potomac and early in August, McClellan was ordered to move his army. He continued to struggle against the movement, believing he could, if re-enforced, capture Richmond, and when forced to yield he had made the movement with delay and illhumor. The withdrawal of McClellan freed Lee's army, and the Confederate general marched quickly northward against the Army of Virginia under General Pope. On August 30, Lee defeated Pope in the second battle of Bull Run-a defeat scarcely less discouraging to the Federals than the first Bull Run had been, and one that caused almost as great a panic at Washington. Pope was defeated, the country generally believed, because McClellan, who was hardly twenty miles away, did not, in spite of orders, do anything to relieve him. It seemed to Lincoln that McClellan even wanted Pope to fail. The indignation of the Secretary of War and of the majority of the members of the cabinet was so great against McClellan that a protest against keeping him any longer in command of any force was written by Stanton and signed by three of his colleagues. Major A. E. H. Johnson, the private secretary of Stanton, first published this protest in the Washington "Evening Star," March 18, 1893. Mr. Johnson says that the President thought it unwise to publish the document that Mr. Stanton had prepared; but he consented that the following protest should be signed and handed to him as a substitute. The understanding of the cabinet members interested was that this revised protest should go to the country. Mr. Johnson believes that Mr. Lincoln himself wrote this protest; at all events, he is certain that the President consented to it. The undersigned, who have been honored with your selection as part of your confidential advisers, deeply impressed with our great responsibility in the present crisis, do but perform a painful duty in declaring to you our deliberate opinion that at this time it is not safe to intrust to MajorGeneral McClellan the command of any army of the United States. And we hold ourselves ready at any time to explain to you in detail the reasons upon which this opinion is based. In spite of this evident sympathy of Lincoln with the indignation against McClellan, on September 2 he placed that general in command of all the troops around Washington. Probably no act of his ever angered the Secretary of War so thoroughly. A large part of the North, too, was indignant. A general cry went up to the President for a new leader. Lincoln only showed again in this determined and bitterly criticised action his courage in acting in a crisis according to his own judgment. The army under Pope was demoralized. Washington was, perhaps, in danger. The defeat had robbed Pope of confidence. Halleck, worn out with fatigue and anxiety, was beseeching McClellan to come to his relief. There was no other general in the army who could so quickly "lick the troops into shape," as Lincoln put LINCOLN AT MCCLELLAN'S HEADQUARTERS, ANTIETAM, OCTOBER 3, 1862. From photograph loaned by Mr. C. M. Derickson, Mercer, Pa. After defeating Lee at Antietam on Sep- |